829 resultados para Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Heer


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The ALICE Collaboration reports the measurement of the relative J/psi yield as a function of charged particle pseudorapidity density dN(ch)/d eta in pp collisions at root s = 7 TeV at the LHC. J/psi particles are detected for p(t) > 0, in the rapidity interval vertical bar y vertical bar < 0.9 via decay into e(+)e(-), and in the interval 2.5 < y < 4.0 via decay into mu(+)/mu(-) pairs. An approximately linear increase of the J/psi yields normalized to their event average (dN(J/psi)/dy)/(dN(J/psi)/dy) with (dN(ch)/c eta)/(dN(ch)/d eta) is observed in both rapidity ranges, where dN(ch)/d eta is measured within vertical bar eta vertical bar < 1 and p(t) > 0. In the highest multiplicity interval with (dN(ch)/d eta)(bin)) = 24.1, corresponding to four times the minimum bias multiplicity density, an enhancement relative to the minimum bias J/psi yield by a factor of about 5 at 2.5 < y <4 (8 at vertical bar y vertical bar < 0.9) is observed. (C) 2012 CERN. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Measurements of the anisotropy parameter v(2) of identified hadrons (pions, kaons, and protons) as a function of centrality, transverse momentum p(T), and transverse kinetic energy KET at midrapidity (vertical bar eta vertical bar < 0.35) in Au + Au collisions at root s(N N) = 200 GeV are presented. Pions and protons are identified up to p(T) = 6 GeV/c, and kaons up to p(T) = 4 GeV/c, by combining information from time-of-flight and aerogel Cerenkov detectors in the PHENIX Experiment. The scaling of v(2) with the number of valence quarks (n(q)) has been studied in different centrality bins as a function of transverse momentum and transverse kinetic energy. A deviation from previously observed quark-number scaling is observed at large values of KET/n(q) in noncentral Au + Au collisions (20-60%), but this scaling remains valid in central collisions (0-10%).

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The ALICE experiment has measured low-mass dimuon production in pp collisions at root s = 7 TeV in the dimuon rapidity region 2.5 < y < 4. The observed dimuon mass spectrum is described as a superposition of resonance decays (eta, rho, omega, eta', phi) into muons and semi-leptonic decays of charmed mesons. The measured production cross sections for omega and phi are sigma(omega)(1 < p(t) < 5 GeV/c. 2.5 < y < 4) = 5.28 +/- 0.54(stat) +/- 0.49(syst) mb and sigma(phi)(1 < p(t) < 5 GeV/c. 2.5 < y < 4) = 0.940 +/- 0.084(stat) +/- 0.076(syst) mb. The differential cross sections d(2)sigma/dy dp(t) are extracted as a function of p(t) for omega and phi. The ratio between the rho and omega cross section is obtained. Results for the phi are compared with other measurements at the same energy and with predictions by models. (C) 2012 CERN. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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[ES] La evolución historiográfica ocurrida en los últimos años en relación con el mundo de las finanzas en general y las Haciendas reales en particular, ha generado grandes cambios en la percepción del interés por el gasto de los Estados. La potenciación del deseo de observar cómo las Monarquías del Antiguo Régimen gestionan la atención a sus necesidades, conlleva aparejada una creciente atención por el estudio de los organismos encargados de dicha actuación. Entre estas instituciones destaca en la España del siglo XVIII la Tesorería Mayor o Tesorería General. Su estudio permite conocer la evolución política de la Monarquía y de su relación con las finanzas privadas desde una perspectiva diferente. Los estudios centrados en la actuación de este organismo, su composición interna, su estructura territorial, los mecanismos de su ordenación contable y, en definitiva, cualquier tipo de actuación ocurrida dentro del ámbito de su gestión son el objeto del presente estudio.

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Italy and France in Trianon’s Hungary: two political and cultural penetration models During the first post-war, the Danubian Europe was the theatre of an Italian-French diplomatic challenge to gain hegemony in that part of the continent. Because of his geographical position, Hungary had a decisive strategic importance for the ambitions of French and Italian foreign politics. Since in the 1920s culture and propaganda became the fourth dimension of international relations, Rome and Paris developed their diplomatic action in Hungary to affirm not only political and economic influence, but also cultural supremacy. In the 1930, after Hitler’s rise to power, the unstoppable comeback of German political influence in central-eastern Europe determined the progressive decline of Italian and French political and economic positions in Hungary: only the cultural field allowed a survey of Italian-Hungarian and French-Hungarian relations in the contest of a Europe dominated by Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Nevertheless, the radical geopolitical changes in second post-war Europe did not compromise Italian and French cultural presence in the new communist Hungary. Although cultural diplomacy is originally motivated by contingent political targets, it doesn’t respect the short time of politics, but it’s the only foreign politics tool that guarantees preservations of bilateral relations in the long run.

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Der ungarische Mathematiker Friedrich Riesz studierte und forschte in den mathematischen Milieus von Budapest, Göttingen und Paris. Die vorliegende Arbeit möchte zeigen, daß die Beiträge von Riesz zur Herausbildung eines abstrakten Raumbegriffs durch eine Verknüpfung von Entwicklungen aus allen drei mathematischen Kulturen ermöglicht wurden, in denen er sich bewegt hat. Die Arbeit konzentriert sich dabei auf den von Riesz 1906 veröffentlichten Text „Die Genesis des Raumbegriffs". Sowohl für seine Fragestellungen als auch für seinen methodischen Zugang fand Riesz vor allem in Frankreich und Göttingen Anregungen: Henri Poincarés Beiträge zur Raumdiskussion, Maurice Fréchets Ansätze einer abstrakten Punktmengenlehre, David Hilberts Charakterisierung der Stetigkeit des geometrischen Raumes. Diese Impulse aufgreifend suchte Riesz ein Konzept zu schaffen, das die Forderungen von Poincaré, Hilbert und Fréchet gleichermaßen erfüllte. So schlug Riesz einen allgemeinen Begriff des mathematischen Kontinuums vor, dem sich Fréchets Konzept der L-Klasse, Hilberts Mannigfaltigkeitsbegriff und Poincarés erfahrungsgemäße Vorstellung der Stetigkeit des ‚wirklichen' Raumes unterordnen ließen. Für die Durchführung seines Projekts wandte Riesz mengentheoretische und axiomatische Methoden an, die er der Analysis in Frankreich und der Geometrie bei Hilbert entnommen hatte. Riesz' aufnahmebereite Haltung spielte dabei eine zentrale Rolle. Diese Haltung kann wiederum als ein Element der ungarischen mathematischen Kultur gedeutet werden, welche sich damals ihrerseits stark an den Entwicklungen in Frankreich und Deutschland orientierte. Darüber hinaus enthält Riesz’ Arbeit Ansätze einer konstruktiven Mengenlehre, die auf René Baire zurückzuführen sind. Aus diesen unerwarteten Ergebnissen ergibt sich die Aufgabe, den Bezug von Riesz’ und Baires Ideen zur späteren intuitionistischen Mengenlehre von L.E.J. Brouwer und Hermann Weyl weiter zu erforschen.

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The fall of the Berlin Wall opened the way for a reform path – the transition process – which accompanied ten former Socialist countries in Central and South Eastern Europe to knock at the EU doors. By the way, at the time of the EU membership several economic and structural weaknesses remained. A tendency towards convergence between the new Member States (NMS) and the EU average income level emerged, together with a spread of inequality at the sub-regional level, mainly driven by the backwardness of the agricultural and rural areas. Several progresses were made in evaluating the policies for rural areas, but a shared definition of rurality is still missing. Numerous indicators were calculated for assessing the effectiveness of the Common Agricultural Policy and Rural Development Policy. Previous analysis on the Central and Eastern European countries found that the characteristics of the most backward areas were insufficiently addressed by the policies enacted; the low data availability and accountability at a sub-regional level, and the deficiencies in institutional planning and implementation represented an obstacle for targeting policies and payments. The next pages aim at providing a basis for understanding the connections between the peculiarities of the transition process, the current development performance of NMS and the EU role, with particular attention to the agricultural and rural areas. Applying a mixed methodological approach (multivariate statistics, non-parametric methods, spatial econometrics), this study contributes to the identification of rural areas and to the analysis of the changes occurred during the EU membership in Hungary, assessing the effect of CAP introduction and its contribution to the convergence of the Hungarian agricultural and rural. The author believes that more targeted – and therefore efficient – policies for agricultural and rural areas require a deeper knowledge of their structural and dynamic characteristics.

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La ricerca indaga tensioni e trasformazioni che investono le principali correnti di pensiero politico in Francia nei primi anni della monarchia di Luglio, e vi osserva l’emergere del concetto di classe. Assumendo la dimensione dell’avvenimento come punto di intersezione fra storia e teoria, l’elaborato si concentra sul periodo novembre 1831-giugno 1832 per analizzare il modo in cui, nell’ordine del discorso politico repubblicano, liberale e socialista, le vicende di questi mesi vengono interpretate cercando di dar nome alle figure sociali che esse fanno irrompere nel dibattito pubblico. Il titolo Fra il nome e la storia fa dunque riferimento allo sforzo di indagare il campo di tensione che si apre fra concreto divenire storico e grandi operazioni di nominazione che segnano l’affiorare di strutture concettuali della lunga durata. L’emergere della nozione di classe operaia e delle categorie che intorno a essa si organizzano viene interpretata come una «formazione discorsiva» che pone in questione significato e confini del politico. La frattura del 1848 è assunta come orizzonte e margine esterno della ricerca nella misura in cui si ipotizza che essa segni una prima affermazione del regime di verità di tale formazione discorsiva: lo statuto politico del lavoro. L’elaborato consta di quattro capitoli. I primi tre indagano la riflessione sul politico e la funzione che in essa svolge il concetto di classe a partire dall’interpretazione di alcuni avvenimenti del tornante 1831-32 proposta nel discorso repubblicano del quotidiano «Le National» e della Société des Amis du Peuple, in quello del liberalismo dottrinario di François Guizot e in quello socialista nascente, prima del movimento sansimoniano, e poi muovendo fino al 1848 francese con l’analisi propostane da Karl Marx. Il quarto capitolo indaga infine la dimensione del «sociale», la sua elaborazione e articolazione attraverso il lavoro di studio e oggettivazione delle figure del mondo del lavoro.

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Performanzunterschiede zwischen verschiedenen Autokratietypen wie Monarchien, Militär-, Ein-Parteien- und begrenzten Mehr-Parteien-Regimen sind bis auf wenige Ausnahmen bisher relativ unerforscht. Deshalb widmet sich diese Arbeit folgenden Forschungsfragen: Gibt es Performanzunterschiede zwischen verschiedenen Autokratietypen? Wenn ja, wie gestalten sich diese und wie lassen sie sich erklären? Auf Grundlage der Selektoratstheorie von Bueno de Mesquite et al. wird die Hypothese aufgestellt, dass die Performanz politischer Regime mit der Größe der Winning Coalition steigt. Da verschiedene Autokratietypen unterschiedlich große Winning Coalitions haben, wird angenommen, dass es deutliche Performanzunterschiede zwischen diesen Typen gibt. Als Performanzkriterien dienen in dieser Arbeit wirtschaftlicher Wohlstand, soziale Sicherheit und ökologische Nachhaltigkeit. Aus diesen drei Kriterien wird zusätzlich ein Indikator allgemeiner Performanz gebildet. Die empirische Untersuchung erfolgt mit den Daten des Quality-of-Governement-Datensatzes und erstreckt sich über 140 autokratische Länder im Zeitraum von 1972 bis 2010. Die Daten werden mittels Time-Series-Cross-Section-Regressionen analysiert. Die Ergebnisse der Analysen entsprechen nur teilweise den Erwartungen. Die Größe der Winning Coalition wirkt positiv auf die wirtschaftliche Wohlfahrt und die soziale Sicherheit und damit auch auf die allgemeine Performanz aus. Entgegen den Erwartungen sinkt die ökologische Performanz jedoch mit steigender Größe der Winning Coalition. Auch die Befunde bezüglich der Performanz verschiedener Autokratietypen entsprechen nicht den Erwartungen. So sind Ein-Parteien-Regime insgesamt leistungsfähiger als Mehr-Parteien-Regime, Militär-Regime und Monarchien. Militär-Regime sind leistungsfähiger als Monarchien und tendenziell auch als Mehr-Parteien-Regime.

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This article deals with the European minorities in the period between the two world wars and with their final expulsion from nation-states at the end of World War II. First, the tensions which arose between the organised minorities and the successor states of the Habsburg Monarchy are accounted for primarily by the argument that the various minorities located within the successor states had already undergone a comprehensive processes of nationalisation within the Habsburg Empire. Therefore they were able to resist assimilation by the political elites of the new titular nations (Czechs, Poles, Rumanians, Serbs). A second topic is that of the use made of the minorities issue by Adolf Hitler to help achieve his expansionist aims. The minorities issue was central to the international destabilisation of interwar Europe. Finally, the mass expulsion of minorities (above all, Germans) after the end of the war is explained by strategic considerations on the part of the Allied powers as well as involving the nation-state regimes. It is argued, against a commonly held view, that German atrocities during the period of occupation had little to do with the decision to expel most ethnic Germans from their territories of settlement in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. The article shows that it is necessary to treat national minorities in the first half of the twentieth century as a single phenomenon which shares similar features across the various nation-states of East-Central Europe.