984 resultados para 1750-1850
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Boberach: Behandelt werden nach "Intoleranten Glossen über Toleranz" von Walesrode u.a. "Die gesellschaftliche Stellung der Frauen" von Ehrenreich [i.e. Ehrenfried] Eichholz, die Errichtung von Volksbanken, die Beziehungen zu Polen und Ungarn, die Berliner Arbeiter-Verbrüderung, die Zivilehe, der Gründer der "Freien Gemeinde" in Halle Gustav Adolf Wislicenus, Arnold Ruges "Jugend und Kerkerleben", die Untergrabung der Volksfreiheit durch die Kirche, der Prozeß Waldecks, der Krieg in Schleswig-Holstein; eingestreut sind 12 Gedichte von H. Zeise, davon 3 über Polen
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Der Irrtum gehört bekanntlich zum allgemeinen Teil des Privatrechts. Der im 19. Jh. geschmiedeter Irrtumsbegriff erscheint jedoch gegenüber dem römischen Errorsbegriff viel geringer. Die Auswirkungen des Letzteren gehen über das gesamte Privatrecht weit hinaus. Diese Anschauung – einer das Menschenleben allumfassenden «Welt des Irrtums» (Goethe) – vertrat Philipp Lotmar (1850-1922) als er sein Werk «Das römische Recht vom error» schrieb. Der Gelehrte wollte ein gänzliches System formulieren, deren Vollständigkeit und universales Charakter die Mängel der früheren Darstellungen – vor allem deren von Savigny (1840) und Zitelmann (1879) – erfüllen würde. Dazu sollte anhand der römischen Quellen der Begriff von Error und seine Rechtsfolgen für das ganze Privatrecht und darüber hinaus neu bestimmt werden. Lotmar’s posthumes Manuskript bildet jetzt Gegenstand eines Editionsprojektes an der Universität Bern.
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Israele Zoller
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F.
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When the Shakers established communal farms in the Ohio Valley, they encountered a new agricultural environment that was substantially different from the familiar soils, climates, and markets of New England and the Hudson Valley. The ways in which their response to these new conditions differed by region has not been well documented. We examine patterns of specialization among the Shakers using the manuscript schedules of the federal Agricultural Censuses from 1850 through 1880. For each Shaker unit, we also recorded a random sample of five farms in the same township (or all available farms if there were fewer than five). The sample of neighboring farms included 75 in 1850, 70 in the next two census years, and 66 in 1880. A Herfindahl-type index suggested that, although the level of specialization was less among the Shakers than their neighbors, trends in specialization by the Shakers and their neighbors were remarkably similar when considered by region. Both Eastern and Western Shakers were more heavily committed to dairy and produce than were their neighbors, while Western Shakers produced more grains than did Eastern Shakers, a pattern imitated in nearby family farms. Livestock and related production was far more important to the Eastern Shakers than to the Western Shakers, again similar to patterns in the census returns from other farms. We conclude that, despite the obvious scale and organizational differences, Shaker production decisions were based on the same comparative advantages that determined production decisions of family farms.
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How does the productivity of a commune compare with that of a conventional firm? This paper addresses this question quantitatively by focusing on the history of a religious commune called the United Society of Believers, better known as the Shakers. We utilize the information recorded in the enumeration schedules of the US Manufacturing and Agriculture Censuses, available for the period between 1850 to 1880, to estimate the productivities of Shaker shops and farms. From the same data source, we also construct random samples of other shops and farms and estimate their productivities for comparison with the Shakers. Our results provide support to the contention that communes need not always suffer from reduced productivity. Shaker farms and shops generally performed just as productively as their neighbors; when differences did exist between their productivities, there are good reasons to attribute them to factors other than organizational form.
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Isolated Shaker communal farms stressed self-sufficiency as an ideal but carefully chose which goods to buy and sell in external markets and which to produce and consume themselves. We use records of hog slaughter weights to investigate the extent to which the Shakers incorporated market-based price information in determining production levels of a consumption good which they did not sell in external markets: pork. Granger causality tests indicate that Shaker pork production decisions were influenced as hypothesized, strongly by corn prices and weakly by pork prices. We infer that attention to opportunity costs of goods that they produced and consumed themselves was a likely factor aiding the longevity of Shaker communal societies.
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Arthur Bernhard Posner
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Scan von Monochrom-Mikroform
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Scan von Monochrom-Mikroform
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Yitsḥaḳ Shiper
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Pfuhl