893 resultados para race


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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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Cette note de lecture se donne pour objectif d’établir un précis des thèses centrales de Critique de la raison nègre d’Achille Mbembe. L’héritage de Michel Foucault sur la pensée de Mbembe sera d’abord mis en lumière. Une critique générale de l’utilisation, chez Mbembe, de la notion de « race » sera aussi rapidement formulée. Après un survol historique de la fixation du principe de race, les deux versants du concept de « raison nègre » seront exposés dans le détail. Mbembe montre ensuite que les penseurs de l’identité noire se montrent le plus souvent engoncés dans la hantise d’habiter le double (l’un des profils de la raison nègre) hérité du travail du pouvoir raciste. Celui-ci s’appuie sur un complexe de domination psychique qui sera aussi explicité. Une proposition normative, complémentaire, viendra enfin s’arrimer à ces interprétations avant de conclure sur la dimension prescriptive de l’analyse critique mené dans cet essai.

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The African American/Black population in the United States (US) is disproportionately affected by hepatitis C virus (HCV) and has lower response rates to current treatments. This analysis evaluates the participation of African American/Blacks in North American and European HCV clinical trials. The data source for this analysis was the PubMed database. Randomized controlled clinical trials (RCT) on HCV treatment with interferon 2a or 2b between January 2000 and December 2011 were reviewed. Inclusion criteria included English language and participants 18 years or older with chronic HCV. Exclusion criteria included non-randomized trials, case reports, cohort studies, ethnic specific studies, or studies not using interferon-alfa or PEG-interferon. Of the 588 trials identified, 314 (53.4%) fit inclusion criteria. The main outcome was the rate of African American/ Black participation in North American HCV clinical trials. A meta-analysis comparing the expected and observed rates was performed. Of the RCT's that met search criteria, 123 (39.2%) reported race. Clinical trials in North America were more likely to report racial data than European trials. Racial reporting increased over time. There was a statistically significant difference among the expected and observed participation of African Americans in HCV clinical trials in North America based on the prevalence of this disease within the population. The burden of HCV among African Americans in North America is not reflected in those clinical trials designed to treat HCV. Research on minority participation in clinical trials and how to increase minority participation in clinical trials is needed.

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My dissertation investigates twin financial interventions—urban development and emergency management—in a single small town. Once a thriving city drawing blacks as blue-collar workers during the Great Migration, Benton Harbor, Michigan has suffered from waves of out-migration, debt, and alleged poor management. Benton Harbor’s emphasis on high-end economic development to attract white-collar workers and tourism, amidst the poverty, unemployment, and disenfranchisement of black residents, highlights an extreme case of American urban inequality. At the same time, many bystanders and representative observers argue that this urban redevelopment scheme and the city’s takeover by the state represent Benton Harbor residents’ only hope for a better life. I interviewed 44 key players and observers in local politics and development, attended 20 public meetings, conducted three months of observations, and collected extensive archival data. Examining Benton Harbor’s time under emergency management and its luxury golf course development as two exemplars of a larger relationship, I find that the top-down processes allegedly intended to alleviate Benton Harbor’s inequality actually reproduce and deepen the city’s problems. I propose that the beneficiaries of both plans constitute a white urban regime active in Benton Harbor. I show how the white urban regime serves its interests by operating an extraction machine in the city, which serves to reproduce local poverty and wealth by directing resources toward the white urban regime and away from the city.

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Cette note de lecture se donne pour objectif d’établir un précis des thèses centrales de Critique de la raison nègre d’Achille Mbembe. L’héritage de Michel Foucault sur la pensée de Mbembe sera d’abord mis en lumière. Une critique générale de l’utilisation, chez Mbembe, de la notion de « race » sera aussi rapidement formulée. Après un survol historique de la fixation du principe de race, les deux versants du concept de « raison nègre » seront exposés dans le détail. Mbembe montre ensuite que les penseurs de l’identité noire se montrent le plus souvent engoncés dans la hantise d’habiter le double (l’un des profils de la raison nègre) hérité du travail du pouvoir raciste. Celui-ci s’appuie sur un complexe de domination psychique qui sera aussi explicité. Une proposition normative, complémentaire, viendra enfin s’arrimer à ces interprétations avant de conclure sur la dimension prescriptive de l’analyse critique mené dans cet essai.

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The sociocultural mythology of the South homogenizes it as a site of abjection. To counter the regionalist discourse, the dissertation intersects queer sexualities with gender and race and focuses on exploring identity and spatial formation among Black lesbian and queer women. The dissertation seeks to challenge the monolith of the South and place the region into multiple contexts and to map Black geographies through an intentional intersectional account of Black queer women. The dissertation utilizes qualitative research methods to ascertain understandings of lived experiences in the production of space. The dissertation argues that an idea of Progress has been indoctrinated as a synonym for the lgbtq civil rights movement and subsequently provides an analysis of progress discourses and queer sexualities and political campaigns of equality in the South. Analyses revealed different ways to situate progress utilizing the public contributions of three Black women interviewed for the dissertation. Moreover, the dissertation utilizes six Black queer and lesbian women to explain the multifarious nature of identities and their construction in place. Black queer and lesbian women produce spaces that deconstruct the normativity of stasis and physicality, and the dissertation explores the consequential realities of being a body in space. These consequences are particularly highlighted in the dissertation by discussions of the processes of racialization in the bounded and unbounded senses of space and place and the impacts of religious institutions, specifically Christianity. The dissertation concluded that no space is without complication. Other considerations should be made in the advancement of alleviating oppression deeply embedded in United States landscapes. Black women’s geographies offer epistemological and ontological renderings that enrich analyses of space, place, and landscape. The dissertation also concludes that Black women’s bodies represent sites for the production of geographic knowledge through narrating their spaces of material trajectories of interlocking, multiscalar lives.

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This study examines the role of race, socioeconomic status, and individualism-collectivism as moderators of the relationship between selected work and family antecedents and work-family conflict and evaluates the contribution of energy-based conflict to the work-family conflict (WFC) research. The study uses data obtained from a survey questionnaire given to 414 participants recruited from an online labor market. Study hypotheses were tested through structural equation modeling. The results indicate that while moderating effects were slight, a proposed model where energy-based conflict is included outperforms traditional time/strain/behavior-based models and that established variables may drop to non-significance when additional variables are included in prediction. In addition, novel individual difference variables such as individualism and collectivism were demonstrated to have effects beyond moderating antecedent-outcome relationships in the model. The findings imply that WFC models would benefit from the inclusion of variables found in the current study.

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In this article I explore how the figure of debt illuminates the racial politics of welfare in neoliberal Britain. I begin by giving a reading of the simultaneous unfolding of post-war race politics and the Beveridgean welfare state, and then turn to consider the interpellative appeal of neoliberal debt to minoritiSed subjects who have, in certain respects, been de facto excluded from prevailing models of welfare citizenship. In particular, this article considers the ways in which household debt might, even as it increases social inequality, simultaneously produce ideas about equality and futurity, as well as gesture towards the possibility of post-national forms of identity and belonging. If we are to challenge the lowest-common-denominator logics of ‘capitalist realism’ it is necessary to develop orientations to the economic that are as convincing as the popular stories that circulate about the operations of the neoliberal marketplace, and which are as meaningful as the social relations they play a part in constituting. Rather than reproduce the racialized model of welfare citizenship that is implicit to the ‘defence’ of the postwar welfare state, I suggest that there are elements of prevailing neoliberal market relations that might themselves serve as a more substantial basis for expressions of racial equality. There is, in other words, something that we can learn from neoliberal debt regimes in order to develop a more egalitarian future-oriented politics of social welfare and economic redistribution.

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Inspired both by debates about the origins of the modern ideology of race and also by controversy over the place of Ireland and the Irish in theories of empire in the early modern Atlantic world, Renaissance Humanism and Ethnicity before Race argues that ethnic discourse among the elite in early modern Ireland was grounded firmly in the Renaissance Humanism and Aristotelianism which dominated all the European universities before the Enlightenment. Irish and English, Catholic and Protestant, all employed theories of human society based on Aristotle’s Politics and the natural law of the medieval universities to construct or dismantle the categories of civility and barbarism. The elites operating in Ireland also shared common resources, taught in the universities, for arguing about the human body and its ability to transmit hereditary characteristics. Both in Ireland and elsewhere in Europe, these theories of human society and the human body underwent violent changes in the late seventeenth century under the impact of the early Enlightenment. These changes were vital to the development of race as we know it.