Combates entre la memoria y la historia de Chile : Conflictos sobre el pasado reciente

The reestablishment of democracy in Chile has seen an intense debate about the events of the recent past, especially on the issue of human rights. From the very beginning, the Concertacion Government has been determined to discover the truth of the repression carried out by the national security forces with a series of commissions that have gathered the testimonies of victims and their relatives. These efforts have been resisted by conservative sectors linked to the dictatorship and the Armed Forces. There has been intense conflict in the media during the past 20 years about events that occurred during the rule of Salvador Allende and the Military Regime. In this regard, a great diversity of information has been produced which, together with the debate evoked, has enabled historians not only to rigorously and thoroughly reconstruct the operation of the state terror but also to explain how a significant sector of Chile’s civil society allowed that situation. This article presents, on one hand, different methodological tools in order to study the recent past and, on the other hand, the social discussion on how to do it.

An attack signature model to computer security intrusion detection

Internal and external computer network attacks or security threats occur according to standards and follow a set of subsequent steps, allowing to establish profiles or patterns. This well-known behavior is the basis of signature analysis intrusion detection systems. This work presents a new attack signature model to be applied on network-based intrusion detection systems engines. The AISF (ACME! Intrusion Signature Format) model is built upon XML technology and works on intrusion signatures handling and analysis, from storage to manipulation. Using this new model, the process of storing and analyzing information about intrusion signatures for further use by an IDS become a less difficult and standardized process.

El Salvador: da guerra civil às reformas institucionais dos anos 1990

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Cognitive strategies for security in wireless sensor networks

Las redes de sensores inalámbricas son uno de los sectores con más crecimiento dentro de las redes inalámbricas. La rápida adopción de estas redes como solución para muchas nuevas aplicaciones ha llevado a un creciente tráfico en el espectro radioeléctrico. Debido a que las redes inalámbricas de sensores operan en las bandas libres Industrial, Scientific and Medical (ISM) se ha producido una saturación del espectro que en pocos años no permitirá un buen funcionamiento. Con el objetivo de solucionar este tipo de problemas ha aparecido el paradigma de Radio Cognitiva (CR). La introducción de las capacidades cognitivas en las redes inalámbricas de sensores permite utilizar estas redes para aplicaciones con unos requisitos más estrictos respecto a fiabilidad, cobertura o calidad de servicio. Estas redes que aúnan todas estas características son llamadas redes de sensores inalámbricas cognitivas (CWSNs). La mejora en prestaciones de las CWSNs permite su utilización en aplicaciones críticas donde antes no podían ser utilizadas como monitorización de estructuras, de servicios médicos, en entornos militares o de vigilancia. Sin embargo, estas aplicaciones también requieren de otras características que la radio cognitiva no nos ofrece directamente como, por ejemplo, la seguridad. La seguridad en CWSNs es un aspecto poco desarrollado al ser una característica no esencial para su funcionamiento, como pueden serlo el sensado del espectro o la colaboración. Sin embargo, su estudio y mejora es esencial de cara al crecimiento de las CWSNs. Por tanto, esta tesis tiene como objetivo implementar contramedidas usando las nuevas capacidades cognitivas, especialmente en la capa física, teniendo en cuenta las limitaciones con las que cuentan las WSNs. En el ciclo de trabajo de esta tesis se han desarrollado dos estrategias de seguridad contra ataques de especial importancia en redes cognitivas: el ataque de simulación de usuario primario (PUE) y el ataque contra la privacidad eavesdropping. Para mitigar el ataque PUE se ha desarrollado una contramedida basada en la detección de anomalías. Se han implementado dos algoritmos diferentes para detectar este ataque: el algoritmo de Cumulative Sum y el algoritmo de Data Clustering. Una vez comprobado su validez se han comparado entre sí y se han investigado los efectos que pueden afectar al funcionamiento de los mismos. Para combatir el ataque de eavesdropping se ha desarrollado una contramedida basada en la inyección de ruido artificial de manera que el atacante no distinga las señales con información del ruido sin verse afectada la comunicación que nos interesa. También se ha estudiado el impacto que tiene esta contramedida en los recursos de la red. Como resultado paralelo se ha desarrollado un marco de pruebas para CWSNs que consta de un simulador y de una red de nodos cognitivos reales. Estas herramientas han sido esenciales para la implementación y extracción de resultados de la tesis. ABSTRACT Wireless Sensor Networks (WSNs) are one of the fastest growing sectors in wireless networks. The fast introduction of these networks as a solution in many new applications has increased the traffic in the radio spectrum. Due to the operation of WSNs in the free industrial, scientific, and medical (ISM) bands, saturation has ocurred in these frequencies that will make the same operation methods impossible in the future. Cognitive radio (CR) has appeared as a solution for this problem. The networks that join all the mentioned features together are called cognitive wireless sensor networks (CWSNs). The adoption of cognitive features in WSNs allows the use of these networks in applications with higher reliability, coverage, or quality of service requirements. The improvement of the performance of CWSNs allows their use in critical applications where they could not be used before such as structural monitoring, medical care, military scenarios, or security monitoring systems. Nevertheless, these applications also need other features that cognitive radio does not add directly, such as security. The security in CWSNs has not yet been explored fully because it is not necessary field for the main performance of these networks. Instead, other fields like spectrum sensing or collaboration have been explored deeply. However, the study of security in CWSNs is essential for their growth. Therefore, the main objective of this thesis is to study the impact of some cognitive radio attacks in CWSNs and to implement countermeasures using new cognitive capabilities, especially in the physical layer and considering the limitations of WSNs. Inside the work cycle of this thesis, security strategies against two important kinds of attacks in cognitive networks have been developed. These attacks are the primary user emulator (PUE) attack and the eavesdropping attack. A countermeasure against the PUE attack based on anomaly detection has been developed. Two different algorithms have been implemented: the cumulative sum algorithm and the data clustering algorithm. After the verification of these solutions, they have been compared and the side effects that can disturb their performance have been analyzed. The developed approach against the eavesdropping attack is based on the generation of artificial noise to conceal information messages. The impact of this countermeasure on network resources has also been studied. As a parallel result, a new framework for CWSNs has been developed. This includes a simulator and a real network with cognitive nodes. This framework has been crucial for the implementation and extraction of the results presented in this thesis.

Role Expectations and State Socialization: Germany's Rediscovery of the Use of Force 1990-1995

This dissertation engages the question of why German political elites accepted the use of force during the 1990s and started to commit the country's armed forces to multilateral peacekeeping missions. Previous governments of the Federal Republic had opposed foreign deployment of the military and Germany was characterized by a unique strategic culture in which the efficacy of military force was widely regarded as negative. The rediscovery of the use of force constituted a significant reorientation of German security policy with potentially profound implications for international relations. I use social role theory to explain Germany's security policy reorientation. I argue that political elites shared a national role conception of their country as a dependable and reliable ally. Role expectations of the international security environment changed as a result of a general shift to multilateral intervention as means to address emerging security problems after the Cold War. Germany's resistance to the use of force was viewed as inappropriate conduct for a power possessing the economic and military wherewithal of the Federal Republic. Elites from allied countries exerted social pressure to have Germany contribute commensurate with capabilities. German political elites adapted role behavior in response to external expectations in an effort to preserve the national role conception of a dependable and reliable ally. Security policy reorientation to maintain Germany's national role conception was pursued by conservative elites who acted as 'role entrepreneurs'. CDU/CSU politicians initiated a process of role adaptation to include the use of force for non-defensive missions. They persuaded Social Democrats and Alliance 90/Green party politicians that the maintenance of the country's role conception necessitated a reorientation in security policy to accommodate the changes in the security environment.

Rehabilitating, repairing and restoring against demolishing, tearing down and destroying: the recovery of the military fort for the Santa Pola town museum

This communication develops the process of interventions of the Renaissance fortress of a new plant built in 1554–57 in Santa Pola. It is one of the earliest examples built with reference to military architecture theoretical treaties (XV–XVI) and best preserved. The study runs its own story from its initial military use, through the use of civil equipment until the final cultural and Museum Center. First, the project of Italian origin is examined and its use as barracks for troops for a duration of three centuries (1557–1850), pointing out the architectural constants of war machinery in a defense position and its origin as a rainwater collector and cistern: a perfect square with two bastions in which a plan of the uprising is preserved (1778). Secondly, we study the changes in the mentioned architecture throughout a century and a half (1850–1990) after its change of ownership (from the state to the municipality), and as a result of the new use as a city hall and public endowment: a market and health and leisure centre, which meant the demolition of defensive elements and the opening up to the outside of the inner parade ground. And thirdly, the new transfer of the municipal offices brings in the beginning of a project of transformations (1990–2015) that retrieves the demolished elements at the same time as it assigns the entire fort for a cultural centre: exhibition, research and history museum, promoting the identity between the citizens and the building which stands in the foundations of their city. The conclusions take us through an interesting route that goes from the approach of defensive tactics, its use as administrative headquarters to the current cultural policy of preservation. In addition, all the known plans of the fort are recovered (of military, civil and cultural use), some unpublished, as well as the project of the North wing that has guided the last operation and which has been set as a pattern of reference.

Military Districts, England and Wales, United Kingdom, 1804 (Raster Image)

This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: A complete representation of the coast of England, together with the interior, divided into counties and military districts : also the coast of France and Holland from the Texel to Brest ... to which is annexed eighteen plans of the ports of the enemy, the principal depôts of the flotilla intended for the invasion of England, by John Luffman, Geogr. It was published by J. Luffman in 1804. Scale [ca. 1:2,500,000]. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the 'British National Grid' coordinate system. All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as drainage, cities and other human settlements, administrative and military district boundaries, shoreline features including distances between selected ports, and more. Includes insets of foreign military installations and index to the military districts. This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps from the Harvard Map Collection. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features. The selection represents a range of originators, ground condition dates, scales, and map purposes.

The NSA: the impact of the wiretapping scandal on German-American relations. OSW Commentary No. 124, 14.01.2014

Edward Snowden revealed that America’s National Security Agency (NSA) had tapped Chancellor Angela Merkel’s mobile phone and had collected date en masse. This has caused the largest crisis of confidence in relations between Germany and the US since the Iraq war. Due to the technological advantage which American intelligence services have, Germany wishes to continue close co-operation with the US but is making efforts to change the legal basis of this co-operation dating back to Cold War times. Berlin would like to secure part of provisions similar to the Five Eyes alliance – agreements signed between the US, the UK, Canada, New Zealand and Australia in the second half of the 1940s, aimed at intelligence sharing and a ban mutual bugging. This could spell the end of the last (not including the military presence) relic of Germany’s dependence on the US which emerged following World War II and took shape in the shadow of the Cold War. The process of Germany’s emancipation in trans-Atlantic relations, which began after Germany’s reunification, would be complete. The US is however opposed to such far-reaching changes as it is interested in continued co-operation with Germany without limiting it. Were it not to sign agreements satisfactory for Berlin, this would lead to a protracted crisis of confidence in German-American relations.

Norway and the Bear. Norwegian defence policy- lessons for the Baltic Sea region. OSW Point of View Number 38, January 2014

Norway is currently the only Western European state and ‘old’ NATO member that strongly relies on the traditional dimension of NATO's collective defence. It is also the only ally in Western Europe which perceives Russia as a threat to its military security, in the so-called High North. In order to successfully deal with the potential challenges and threats in the region, Norway has been pursuing a defence policy based on cooperation and deterrence. Cooperation means improving collaboration with Russia in cross-border relations, in the petroleum sector and in the military sphere. The deterrent measures include maintaining NATO’s credibility as a collective defence alliance; increasing military cooperation with the United States; building up Norway’s own military capabilities; and developing military cooperation across Northern Europe. The primary objective of Oslo’s defence policy is to minimise the likelihood of crises and conflicts emerging in the High North which could prove too ‘big’ for Norway but too ‘small’ for NATO.

Trading off sovereignty. The outcome of Belarus's integration with Russia in the security and defence field. OSW Commentary No. 107, 2013-04-25

Although the Republic of Belarus is constitutionally designated as a neutral country1, it is in fact closely connected with Russia’s own security and defence architecture. Within the Union State of Belarus and Russia, the armed forces are integrated to an extent unequalled in the world. A legacy of the Soviet division of labour, the Belarusian defence industry complex remains structurally dependent on Russia, which is its main raw material provider, outlet for exports and intermediary on world markets. Bilateral military cooperation also builds on the perception of common threats and partly shared security interests. Hence it unfolds regardless of the disputes that sporadically sour relations between Minsk and Moscow, standing out as the main achievement of the Union State – if not the only one.

Russia's interest in the Mistral: the political and military aspects. OSW Commentary No. 41, 2010-10-11

The negotiations over Russia’s purchase of French Mistral-class multipurpose assault ships, which were intensified in 2010, have gained a significant political dimension. The prospects of such a spectacular acquisition of large and expensive assault ships from one of NATO’s member states are being used by Russia to demonstrate that it has opened a new stage of relations with Western Europe. Paris has welcomed Russia’s desire to embark on military cooperation; for France, the Mistral deal has become a convenient tool to prove that relations with Russia are becoming increasingly normal, and that Russia poses no threat to the European security.

Belarus-Russia: Whither Integration? OSW Point of View (unspecified), May 2003

Of the re-integration processes currently taking place in the former Soviet Union, the formation of a Russian-Belarusian so-called 'Union State' is one of the most advanced. A customs union was formally announced between the two countries as early as 1995 and the process of constructing the Union State itself was launched in December 1999. However, both events were largely driven by the perceived need to match societal demands, without much concrete action and the Union State remained largely 'virtual'. Only in the last few years has the Russian initiative allowed for moving from symbolic gestures to political action and since late 2002 debate and policy have intensified on specific issues of economic and political co-operation. However, despite such advances in the integration process, its objectives remain vague and there is little or no agreement on the principles that should govern the process. Furthermore, current bilateral relations questions still dominate the dialogue. The project seems at present to be driven mainly by the political interests of both countries' presidents and also, to a lesser extent, by the interests of business, political, military and security elites, each apparently motivated by self- and group-interest in the emerging dialogue of integration. In contrast to EU integration, the societies of the two countries involved appear to have had little or no say in the process. Thus, several questions naturally arise. What is the real nature of such integration? What motivates the parties involved? What stage has the process reached? What likely future course will it take? What might be the consequences of it for Belarusian independence? Answers to these questions should ultimately determine the stance and policies of the enlarged EU in this area.

Toward international peace and security: Addressing the challenge of nuclear proliferation in a globalized world. ACES Working Papers, August 2010

With a growing number of threats to governance in the international system that result from globalization and technological innovation, it is no surprise that states have come to rely more heavily on each other and the global community for support. While the EU is partially constrained by the ultimate outcome of its own integration process, limited knowledge on this issue, and the national interests of its Member States, other governments are also experiencing difficulty in domestic implementation of international resolutions. To better understand the impact of the most recent sanctioning efforts, this paper will explore the development of the non-proliferation regime, examine implementation mechanisms of non-proliferation agreements, and analyze the impact of increased cooperation among states to thwart the spread of WMD technology and material. Case studies of unilateral measures undertaken by the US and EU against Iran will provide insight into the political and economic implications of economic sanctions from individual governments. New and emerging methods for limiting rogue states and non-state actors from acquiring the means to develop WMD will also be discussed in an effort to further discussion for future policy debates on this critical topic.

Controlled ‘Europeanisation’? The KMW–Nexter merger and the Germany’s new strategy for the arms industry. OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 180/26.08.2015

On 29 July a deal was signed in Paris concerning a merger between Krauss-Maffei Wegmann (KMW), Germany’s largest manufacturer of tanks, infantry fighting vehicles and artillery systems, and its French counterpart Nexter. The new holding formed as a result of the merger will be Europe’s largest producer of arms systems for land forces, comparable to the Airbus Group in the aerospace industry. While work on finalising the merger was underway, the German government was developing a new strategy for Germany’s arms industry, which was published on 9 June 2015. The strategy’s provisions show that German politicians, despite holding negative opinions on previous mergers between German arms companies and foreign businesses, have concluded that consolidation at the European level is nonetheless the only way to go. However, the strategy also states that the German government should exercise more influence than previously on the terms and conditions of any such consolidation. To this end, it identified key national technologies which will be supported and protected through various instruments, including also the conclusion of intergovernmental agreements on strategic defence co-operation. Such agreements may regulate questions such as the ownership structures of the new companies, the locations for developing technologies and for manufacturing products, subcontractors and exports of jointly developed arms and military equipment. In relation to the KMW–Nexter merger, such a deal between France and Germany is expected to be signed this autumn.

Facilitating Mobility and Fostering Diversity: Getting EU Migration Governance to Respect the Human Rights of Migrants. CEPS Paper in Liberty and Security in Europe No. 92/May 2016

Migration towards Europe has surged over the past few years, overwhelming government authorities at the national and EU levels, and fuelling a xenophobic, nationalist, populist discourse linking migrants to security threats. Despite positive advances in the courts and worthy national initiatives (such as Italy’s Operation Mare Nostrum), the EU’s governance of migration and borders has had disastrous effects on the human rights of migrants. These effects stem from the criminalisation of migrants, which pushes them towards more precarious migration routes, the widespread use of administrative detention and the processing of asylum claims under the Dublin system, and now the EU–Turkey agreement. Yet, this paper finds that with the right political leadership, the EU could adopt different policies in order to develop and implement a human rights-based approach to migration that would seek to reconcile security concerns with the human rights of migrants. Such an approach would enable member states to fully reap the rewards of a stable, cohesive, long-term migration plan that facilitates and governs mobility rather than restricts it at immense cost to the EU, the member states and individual migrants.