859 resultados para liberty.
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Trata-se de proceder a uma leitura histórica dos problemas da perseguição religiosa, conversão e do memoricídio operado pelos processos de aculturação dos escravos na formação do Brasil, em face das garantias atuais do “Estatuto da Igualdade Racial”.
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Object of the search is the advertising phenomenon of the "product placement", with reference to that it has been investigated legality’s limits, as well as the relationship with the constitutionally protected liberty of expression. Particularly, it has been analyzed, in first place, the problem of the relationship between the freedom of expression and the liberty of economic initiative, with particular reference to the different circles of guardianship to these prepared: or, larger, the one provided for the first from the 21th article of Costitution, more circumscribed, instead, the one established in the 41th article of Costitution, with reference to the second. This analysis has been made with the purpose to investigate the coordination among such liberties in those forms of communications that, for the proper peculiarities that characterize them, can be qualified, according to the concrete circumstances in which they are spread, so much forms of liberty of expression, how much exercise of an activity of enterprise. Under this last profile, it has been taken attention on the advertising activity and, specially, on the non transparent publicities, or not immediately perceivable as such from their receivers, and, therefore, in contrast with the advertising trasparence’s principle: or, the so-called cases of hidden publicity, what the editorial publicity, both "in narrow sense" both "in general sense", as well as the phenomenon of the product placement (or positioning of product), by now diffused in the commercial routine. Therefore, it has been proceeded to a complete and exhaustive examination of innovations introduced by the recent legislative discipline in subject of “planned placement of marks and products” in the cinema works, appraising, in the specific one, the effects, juridical and no juridical, consequential from the introduction of a first form of regulation of the phenomenon of the product placement and, particularly, from the express provision about the legality of the use to such advertising, if it has realized according to specific requirements or condition. In relationship to such profile, it has been also investigate limits (sub kind of normative gaps) from which the recently introduced discipline in subject would seem characterized. Finally, a further circle of investigation has concerned the possible organization of the phenomenon under a negotiate aspect, as particular contract of advertising, in which the object consists in an promotional activity. Concerning this, the experience of foreign countries (above all the Anglo-Saxon one) has been very important, because of the absence, in our arrangement, of a general normative discipline about advertising contracts. Consequently, I’ve investigated principal characteristics of similar contracts, in first place the atypicalness, because of the lack, in Italy, of a legislative discipline of this contract. Such investigation has also been developed through a comparation between the positioning of product and the other advertising contracts, among which, particularly, the sponsorship, as well as the contracts for the advertising exploitation of the name and other people's image, and, specially, the contract of testimonial and the contract of endorsement.
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La tesi si articola in tre capitoli. Il primo dà conto del dibattito sorto attorno alla problematica dell’inquadramento della previdenza complementare nel sistema costituzionale dell’art. 38 Cost. che ha diviso la dottrina tra quanti hanno voluto ricondurre tale fenomeno al principio di libertà della previdenza privata di cui all’ art. 38, comma 5, Cost. e quanti lo hanno invece collocato al 2° comma della stessa norma, sulla base di una ritenuta identità di funzioni tra previdenza pubblica e previdenza complementare. Tale ultima ricostruzione in particolare dopo la c.d. Riforma “Amato” è culminata nella giurisprudenza della Corte Costituzionale, che ha avuto modo di pronunciarsi sulla questione con una serie di pronunce sulla vicenda del c.d. “contributo sul contributo” e su quella della subordinazione dei requisiti di accesso alle prestazioni pensionistiche complementari alla maturazione dei requisiti previsti dal sistema obbligatorio. Il capitolo successivo si occupa della verifica della attualità e della coerenza dell’impostazione della Corte Costituzionale alla luce dell’evoluzione della disciplina dei fondi pensione. Nel terzo capitolo, infine, vengono affrontate alcune questioni aperte in relazione ai c.d. fondi pensione “preesistenti” suscettibili di sollevare preoccupazioni circa la necessità di garantire le aspettative e i diritti dei soggetti iscritti.
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La tesi affronta le questioni processuali connesse alla verifica dei reati di guida in stato di ebbrezza e di alterazione da droghe. La ricerca si sviluppa in tre direzioni. La prima parte studia la disciplina tedesca. L’analisi parte dalle norme sostanziali che definiscono le fattispecie incriminatrici contemplate dall’ordinamento osservato; s’interessa, poi, degli equilibri tra gli strumenti di captazione della prova utili ai reati in discorso ed il principio nemo tenetur se detegere (l’ estensione del diritto di difesa tedesco copre anche le prove reali e non prevede obblighi di collaborazione all’alcoltest). Prosegue, infine, con l’esame delle metodologie di acquisizione della prova, dall’etilometro agli screening per le droghe, sino al prelievo ematico coattivo, indispensabile per l’accertamento penale. La seconda sezione esamina gli artt. 186 e 187 del codice della strada italiano, alla luce del principio di libertà personale e del diritto a non autoincriminarsi. Particolarmente delicati gli equilibri rispetto a quest’ultimo: l’obbligatorietà di un atto potenzialmente autoaccusatorio è evitabile solo a pena di una severa sanzione. Occorre definire se il diritto di difesa copra anche il mero facere o garantisca il solo silenzio. Se si ammette, infatti, che il nemo tenetur sia applicabile anche alle prove reali, la collaborazione obbligatoria imposta al conducente è scelta incompatibile con il diritto di difesa: la disciplina italiana presenta, dunque, profili d’illegittimità costituzionale. La terza parte riguarda le problematiche processuali poste dai controlli stradali che emergono dall’analisi della giurisprudenza. Si affrontano, così, le diverse vicende della formazione della prova: ci si interroga sull’istituto processuale cui ricondurre gli accertamenti, sulle garanzie di cui goda il guidatore durante e dopo l’espletamento dell’atto, sulle eventuali sanzioni processuali derivanti da una violazione delle predette garanzie. Si esaminano, infine, le regole di apprezzamento della prova che guidano il giudice nella delicata fase valutativa.
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The survey approachs the issue of health and the problem of its effective protection in a context of deprivation of liberty and coercion, which is the prison. The theoretical reflection born from the reform of the Legislative Decree 230/99 which marked the transition from an employee by the Prison Health within prison a fully integrated in the National Health Service. The comparison between an institution of health promotion and institution of punishment which may operate on the same subject held produces multiple attrits, making their relationship problematic. The work shows the daily difficulties in the management of prison health within the institution, physician-patient between different health care roles, and between the latter and prison workers. The coexistence, in fact, is not always harmonious though quite often it is common sense and the willingness of operators to reduce barriers: overcrowding, limited resources and insufficient staff make the application of the rule and therefore the right to goal a difficult to be pursued. It is designed for a scheme of semi-structured interview essay is divided into 3 sections covering: "staff and its functions", "health reform" and "health of the prisoner"; questions were directed to doctors, nurses and psychologists engaged inside the prison of Rimini with the specific aim of examining the ambivalent relationship between the demand for health care in prisons and the need for security and a clear - albeit partial - point of view. We tried to reconstruct the situation of prison health care through the perception of prison operators, capturing the problematic issues that deal on both issues is instrumental to the experience of persons detained by analyzing, in terms of operators , what happens inside of a prison institution in everyday health care.
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Il lavoro di ricerca vuole analizzare, attraverso lo studio specifico della rivista artistico letteraria «L’Eroica» fondata a La Spezia nel 1911 da Ettore Cozzani e Franco Oliva, gli artisti e le situazioni in cui si sviluppa e si diffonde in Italia un linguaggio grafico di tipo fauve-espressionista, in perfetta sintonia con le coeve esperienze straniere. Nello specifico, si è focalizzata l’attenzione sui così detti ‘anni eroici de L’Eroica’ (1911-1917), periodo in cui risulta più evidente il passaggio che si ebbe nel panorama dell’illustrazione italiana da uno stile ancora riconducibile a un linguaggio simbolista a uno, per l’appunto espressionista. Questa rivista, infatti, nella fase conosciuta come “gli anni eroici dell’Eroica” (1911-17), s’interessa in modo quasi esclusivo alla xilografia contemporanea avvalendosi in un primo momento della collaborazione di artisti noti nell’ambito del gusto liberty come, ad esempio, Adolfo De Carolis e dei suoi allievi (Gino Barbieri, Ettore di Giorgio, Antonio Moroni). Tale collaborazione però termina con la cosiddetta “Secessione degli Xilografi”, ossia l’abbandono nel 1914 da parte di De Carolis e dei suoi della testata spezzina, circostanza questa che determinerà un nuovo indirizzo stilistico per la rivista in cui prenderanno sempre più spazio artisti di una generazione più giovane, peraltro già attivi su «L’Eroica» stessa, quali ad esempio Lorenzo Viani, Arturo Martini, Emilio Mantelli, Felice Casorati, Giuseppe Biasi, Roberto Melli e Gino Carlo Sensani, questi ultimi tutti rappresentanti di un espressionismo italiano di primo ordine
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Il progetto di ricerca si situa nell’ambito dell’informatica giudiziaria settore che studia i sistemi informativi implementati negli uffici giudiziari allo scopo di migliorare l’efficienza del servizio, fornire una leva per la riduzione dei lunghi tempi processuali, al fine ultimo di garantire al meglio i diritti riconosciuti ai cittadini e accrescere la competitività del Paese. Oggetto di studio specifico del progetto di ricerca è l’utilizzo delle ICT nel processo penale. Si tratta di una realtà meno studiata rispetto al processo civile, eppure la crisi di efficienza del processo non è meno sentita in tale area: l’arretrato da smaltire al 30 giugno del 2011 è stato quantificato in 3,4 milioni di processi penali, e il tempo medio di definizione degli stessi è di quattro anni e nove mesi. Guardare al processo penale con gli occhi della progettazione dei sistemi informativi è vedere un fluire ininterrotto di informazioni che include realtà collocate a monte e a valle del processo stesso: dalla trasmissione della notizia di reato alla esecuzione della pena. In questa prospettiva diventa evidente l’importanza di una corretta gestione delle informazioni: la quantità, l’accuratezza, la rapidità di accesso alle stesse sono fattori così cruciali per il processo penale che l’efficienza del sistema informativo e la qualità della giustizia erogata sono fortemente interrelate. Il progetto di ricerca è orientato a individuare quali siano le condizioni in cui l’efficienza può essere effettivamente raggiunta e, soprattutto, a verificare quali siano le scelte tecnologiche che possono preservare, o anche potenziare, i principi e le garanzie del processo penale. Nel processo penale, infatti, sono coinvolti diritti fondamentali dell’individuo quali la libertà personale, la dignità, la riservatezza, diritti fondamentali che vengono tutelati attraverso un ampia gamma di diritti processuali quali la presunzione di innocenza, il diritto di difesa, il diritto al contraddittorio, la finalità di rieducazione della pena.
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La detenzione amministrativa degli stranieri, pur condividendo il carattere tipicamente afflittivo e stigmatizzante delle pene, non si fonda sulla commissione di un reato e non gode delle medesime garanzie previste dal sistema della giustizia penale. Nel nostro ordinamento l’inadeguatezza della legislazione, l’ampio margine di discrezionalità rimesso all’autorità di pubblica sicurezza, nonché il debole potere di sindacato giurisdizionale rimesso all’autorità giudiziaria, raggiungono il loro apice problematico nell’ambito delle pratiche di privazione della libertà personale che hanno per destinatari gli stranieri maggiormente vulnerabili, ossia quelli appena giunti sul territorio e il cui status giuridico non è ancora stato accertato (c.d. situazione di pre-admittance). E’ proprio sulla loro condizione che il presente lavoro si focalizza maggiormente. Le detenzioni de facto degli stranieri in condizione di pre-admittance sono analizzate, nel primo capitolo, a partire dal “caso Lampedusa”, descritto alla luce dell’indagine sul campo condotta dall’Autrice. Nel secondo capitolo viene ricostruito lo statuto della libertà personale dello straniero sulla base dei principi costituzionali e, nel terzo capitolo, sono analizzati i principi che informano il diritto alla libertà personale nell’ambito delle fonti sovranazionali, con particolare riferimento al diritto dell’Unione Europea e al sistema della Convenzione Europea dei Diritti dell’Uomo. Sulla scorta dei principi indagati, nel quarto capitolo è tracciata l’evoluzione legislativa in materia di detenzione amministrativa dello straniero in Italia e, nel quinto capitolo, è approfondito il tema dei Centri dell’immigrazione e delle regole che li disciplinano. Nelle conclusioni, infine, sono tirate le fila del percorso tracciato, attraverso la valutazione degli strumenti di tutela in grado di prevenire le pratiche di privazione della libertà informali e di garantire uno standard minimo nella tutela della libertà individuale, anche nelle zone di frontiera del nostro ordinamento.
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The socio-economic structure of the breeding farms of Franches-Montagnes horses (FM) in Switzerland is evaluated on the basis of an investigation carried out in 2002 by the Swiss FM breeding federation. Questionnaires were sent to 3500 of its members and the results include data from 968 breeding enterprises, housing a total of 3965 FM. The quality of the husbandry of FM varies according to factors such as the altitude and the geographical situation of the farms and studs. Socio-economic parameters, such as the role of FM in the business, their use (breeding, driving, riding) and the age and level of professional education of the owners may also have an effect on standards of husbandry. The results show that the owners for whom FM represent a source of income more frequently keep their horses in standing stalls, but give them more time to exercise at liberty than the horses belonging to amateur breeders. Younger and better educated breeders are more likely to house their animals in groups.
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The 1913-14 Michigan copper strike is unlike many American labor actions of the period in that it did not include red flags or socialist anthems. Many of the most familiar photographs of the strike involve American flags, not red ones. Similarly, the songs mentioned in journalistic accounts of the strikers are American Civil War songs, not popular labor songs of the period. The few newly-written songs about the strike, published in the local newspapers, seem cautiously polite and espouse values such as patriotism, liberty and human rights. During a time when sections of the "friendly" press were concerned with labor presenting the correct image and avoiding unfavorable associations, the Copper Country strikers, and the W.F.M., seem to have been attempting to create a fresh narrative regarding what this strike was (and what it was not). This paper will consider elements of the Copper Country strike in the light of media coverage, prior to July 1913, of several American labor topics that might have influenced the way the strike was presented. Particular attention will be given to photographs, songs, and accounts from the 1912 Lawrence textile strike, as well as contemporaneous critiques of labor song lyrics. Most of this commentary will be drawn from the labor and socialist press, demonstrating that the 1913-14 Michigan copper strike occurred during a period in which the labor movement was struggling to craft and image that would display it as it wished to be seen. This paper has not yet been submitted.
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The European integration process mainly consists of the development of a European Single Market. Its political regulation is contradictory and conflicting as it is managed by a committee of the governments which - on a different level - operate against each other as representatives of competing nations. Beyond market and states the national citizens expect a culture of consent-orientated acknowledgement from a European civil society. This expectation has been very distinct in those countries which joined the European Union in 2004. In this contribution results are reported from a survey on representatives of Middle and East European networks of social work. They had been questioned about their experiences with aspects of the eastward expansion of the EU. It becomes apparent that the promises of the civil society are overdone and that it comes down to a balance of civil liberty, welfare state and the self-regulation of the civil society.
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In the literature on migration, as well as in social policies regarding this phenomenon, the situation of returning emigrants receives scant attention. This essay establishes an intricate connection between attitudes and policies that prevail in a country regarding emigration and those concerning immigration. The case of Italy provides a prime example for this as it once was a classical country of emigration, only to turn, in recent decades, into a country that appears highly attractive (and relatively accessible) to immigrants. The essay traces the pervasive ambiguity that characterizes this country’s attitudes towards emigration from the beginning of mass emigration shortly after the unification of Italy in 1868 to the emigration policies of the fascist regime of Mussolini and the post-World War II waves of emigration right through to the corresponding ambiguity concerning the status of immigrants in contemporary society, including the indifferent treatment of returning Italian emigrants who constitute a considerable numerical phenomenon. These reflections take their origin from the impending closure of a reception centre in Lazio, the Casa dell’Emigrante near Sant’Elia Fiumerapido, Province of Frosinone, ostensibly for financial reasons. This centre had been the only one of its kind in the whole of Italy dealing officially with the needs of repatriated Italians. It had assisted returning emigrants both with practical matters, such as negotiating the labyrinth of Italian bureaucracy , and with psychological implications of a return, which are often considerable given the time lag of experiences with current social realities and the frequently unrealistic expectations associated with the return. Questions of identity become highly acute in those circumstances. The threatened closure of the centre illustrates the unwillingness of the state to face up to the factual prevalence of migratory experiences in the country as a whole and as a core element of national history, experiences of migration in both directions. The statistics speak for themselves: of the 4.660.427 persons who left Italy between 1880 and 1950, 2.322.451 have returned, almost exactly 50%. To those have to be added 3.628.430 returnees of the 5.109.860 emigrants who left Italy between the end of World War II and 1976 for Europe alone. Attitudes towards people leaving changed ostensibly over time. In the first two decades after Unification parliament on the one hand wanted to show some concern over the fate of its citizens, not wanting to abandon those newly created citizens entirely to their own destiny, while on the other portraying their decisions to emigrate as expressions of individual liberty and responsibility and not necessitated by want and poverty. Emigrants had to prove, paradoxically that they had the requisite means to emigrate when in fact poverty was largely driving them to emigrate. To admit that publicly would have amounted to admission of economic and political failure made evident through emigration. In contrast to that Mussolini’s emigration policies not only enforced large population movements within the territory of Italy to balance unemployment between regions and particularly between North and South, but also declared it citizen’s duty to be ready to move also to the colonies, thereby ‘turning emigration as a sign of social crisis into a sign of national strength and the success of the country’s political agenda’ (Gaspari 2001, p. 34). The duplicity continued even after World War II when secret deals were done with the USA to allow a continuous flow of Italian immigrants and EU membership obviously further facilitated the departure of unemployed, impoverished Italians. With the growing prosperity of Italy the reversal of the direction of migration became more obvious. On the basis of empirical research conducted by one of the author on returning emigrants four types of motives for returning can be distinguished: 1. Return as a result of failure – particularly the emigrants who left during the 1950-1970 period usually had no linguistic preparation, and in any case the gap between the spoken and the written language is enormous with the latter often being insurmountable. This gives rise to nostalgic sentiments which motivates a return into an environment where language is familiar 2. Return as a means of preserving an identity – the life of emigrants often takes place within ghetto-like conditions where familiarity is being reproduced but under restricted conditions and hence not entirely authentic. The necessity for saving money permits only a partial entry into the host society and at the same time any accumulating savings add to the desire to return home where life can be lived fully again – or so it seems. 3. Return of investment – the impossibility to become fully part of another society often motivates migrants to accumulate not so much material wealth but new experiences and competences which they then aim to reinvest in their home country. 4. Return to retire – for many emigrants returning home becomes acute once they leave a productive occupation and feelings of estrangement build up, in conjunction with the efforts of having invested in building a house back home. All those motives are associated with a variety of difficulties on the actual return home because, above all, time in relation to the country of origin has been suspended for the emigrant and the encounter with the reality of that country reveals constant discrepancies and requires constant readjustment. This is where the need for assistance to returning emigrants arises. The fact that such an important centre of assistance has been closed is further confirmation of the still prevailing politics of ambiguity which nominally demand integration from nationals and non-nationals alike but deny the means of achieving this. Citizenship is not a natural result of nationality but requires the means for active participation in society. Furthermore, the experiences of returning immigrants provide important cues for the double ambivalence in which immigrants to Italy live between the demands made on them to integrate, the simultaneous threats of repatriation and the alienation from the immigrants’ home country which grows inexorably during the absence. The state can only regain its credibility by putting an end to this ambiguity and provide to returning emigrants, and immigrants alike, the means of reconstructing strong communal identities.
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The status of Islam in Western societies remains deeply contentious. Countering strident claims on both the right and left, Legal Integration of Islam offers an empirically informed analysis of how four liberal democracies—France, Germany, Canada, and the United States—have responded to the challenge of integrating Islam and Muslim populations. Demonstrating the centrality of the legal system to this process, Christian Joppke and John Torpey reject the widely held notion that Europe is incapable of accommodating Islam and argue that institutional barriers to Muslim integration are no greater on one side of the Atlantic than the other. While Muslims have achieved a substantial degree of equality working through the courts, political dynamics increasingly push back against these gains, particularly in Europe. From a classical liberal viewpoint, religion can either be driven out of public space, as in France, or included without sectarian preference, as in Germany. But both policies come at a price—religious liberty in France and full equality in Germany. Often seen as the flagship of multiculturalism, Canada has found itself responding to nativist and liberal pressures as Muslims become more assertive. And although there have been outbursts of anti-Islamic sentiment in the United States, the legal and political recognition of Islam is well established and largely uncontested. Legal Integration of Islam brings to light the successes and the shortcomings of integrating Islam through law without denying the challenges that this religion presents for liberal societies.
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After the introduction of the liberal-democratic constitutions in the Swiss cantons in the first half of the 1830ies the grid of existing schools has been systemized and broadly expanded. The school systems have ever since been characterized by one key element: a special local authority type called „Schulkommission“ or „Schulpflege“. They take the form of committees consisting of laymen that are appointed by democratic elections like all the other executive bodies on the different federal levels in Switzerland. When it comes to their obligations and activities these community level school committees conform very much to the school boards in the American and Canadian school systems. They are accountable for the selection and supervision of the teachers. They approve decisions about the school careers of pupils and about curricular matters like the choice of school books. Normally their members are elected by the local voters for four year terms of office (reelection remains possible) and with regard to pedagogics they normally are non-professionals. The board members are responsible for classes and teachers assigned to them and they have to go to see them periodically. These visitations and the board meetings each month together with the teachers enable the board members to attain a deep insight into what happens in their schools over the course of their term of office. But they are confronted as laymen with a professional teaching staff and with educational experts in the public administration. Nevertheless this form of executive power by non-professionals is constitutive for the state governance in the Swiss as well as in other national political environments. It corresponds to the principles of subsidiarity and militia and therefore allows for a strong accentuation of liberty and the right of self-determination, two axioms at the very base of democratic federalist ideology. This governance architecture with this strong accent on local anchorage features substantial advantages for the legitimacy and acceptability of political and administrative decisions. And this is relevant especially in the educational area because the rearing of the offspring is a project of hope and, besides, quite costly. In the public opinion such supervision bodies staffed by laymen seem to have certain credibility advances in comparison with the professional administration. They are given credit to be capable of impeding the waste of common financial resources and of warranting the protection and the fostering of the community’s children at once. Especially because of their non-professional character they are trusted to be reliably immune against organizational blindness and they seem to be able to defend the interests of the local community against the standardization and centralization aspirations originating from the administrational expertocracy. In the paper these common rationales will be underpinned by results of a comprehensive historical analysis of the Session protocols of three Bernese school commissions from 1835 to 2005.