789 resultados para intra-party democracy


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Ten medieval permanent teeth were subjected to incremental dentine sectioning and stable isotope analysis to investigate dietary changes in high resolution. In addition to this, eight increments were also selected for 14C measurements to examine possible intra-individual age differences. Results reveal the cessation of weaning, various dietary profiles and in some cases significantly different 14C ages obtained from a single tooth. This case study illustrates how 14C measurements can function as a proxy alongside the commonly used carbon and nitrogen stable isotope values to interpret the diet of past individuals

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Book Review: Emerson, Peter, Defining Democracy: Voting Procedures in Decision-making, Elections and
Governance (2nd edn), Springer, London, 2012,

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Vieten's edited collection brings together papers that were given at the I M Young Memorial Symposium 'Inclusion and Democracy Revisited', held in Amsterdam in 2012. The different chapters presented explore in-depth, Young's models of a 'politics of cultural difference', and a 'politics of positional difference' read in combination with her critique of normalisation. Young regards the latter as decisive to any change for the better when reaching out politically to a fairer and more just democratic society.
With the current political, economic and socio-cultural crisis in mind, the contemporary world of global speed and transformed societies in and beyond Europe needs a refinement of what we understand 'normalisation' and 'difference' to be. How can we connect to each other, and in what ways can Young's 'structural inequality model' be applied to develop alternative outlooks on how to enhance inclusion and democracy in different nation states?

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This article examines how civilian defense militias shape violence during civil war. We define civilian defense forces as a sedentary and defensive form of pro-government militia that incumbents often use to harness the participation of civilians during a counterinsurgency campaign. We argue that civilian defense forces reduce the problem of insurgent identification. This leads to a reduction in state violence against civilians. However, we also claim that these actors undermine civilian support for insurgents, which leads to an increase in rebel violence against civilians and overall intensification of conflict. A statistical analysis of government and rebel violence against civilians from 1981 to 2005, and a qualitative assessment of a civilian defense force operating in Iraq from 2005 to 2009, offer strong support for our theoretical claims. These findings provide further insight into pro-government militias and their effects on violence. They also have wider ethical implications for the use of civilian collaborators during civil war.

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The stock structure of turbot was investigated between samples from S-Norway, the Irish Sea and the Kattegat, using 12 microsatellite loci and compared to the turbot caught in Icelandic waters. Highly significant genetic differentiation was observed between samples from Kattegat and other areas. Significant genetic differentiation was also observed between the Irish Sea sample on one hand and Iceland and S-Norway on the other hand. No significant genetic differentiation was observed between Iceland and S-Norway. Otoliths of 25 turbot, age ranging from 3 to 19 years, were subjected to nearly 300 mass spectrometry determinations of stable oxygen and carbon isotopes. Oxygen isotope composition (δ18O) in the otolith samples was used to estimate ambient temperature at time of otolith accretion, and yielded estimated temperatures experienced by the turbot ranging from 3 to 15°C. Overall, the genetic analysis indicates panmixia between turbot in Icelandic and Norwegian waters. While the extensive migration of larvae between Norway and Iceland is unlikely, passive drift of turbot larva from other areas (e.g. Ireland) cannot be ruled out. 

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Book review in Lusotopie, 2002, no.1 of João M. CABRITA, Mozambique. The Tortuous Road to Democracy, Basingstoke (G.-B.) et New York (E.U.A.), Palgrave (St. Martin’s Press), 2000, 311p., ISBN 0-333-92001-5.

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Most studies examining the relationship between social cleavages and party system fragmentation maintain that higher levels of social diversity lead to greater party system fragmentation. However, most aggregate-level studies focus on one type of social cleavage:ethnic diversity. In order to develop a better understanding of how different cleavages impact electoral competition, this paper considers another type of social cleavage: religious diversity.Contrary to previous literature, higher levels of religious diversity provide incentives for cross-religious cooperation, which in turn reduces party system fragmentation. Using a cross national data set of elections from 1946-2011, the results show that, in contrast to most studies examining the effects of social cleavage diversity on the number of parties, higher religious diversity is associated with lower levels of party system fragmentation.

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‘Disaster education’ is a fledgling area of study in lifelong education. Many countries educate their populations for disasters, to mitigate potential damage and loss of life, as well as contribute to national security. In this paper, which draws on interview data from the German Federal Office for Civil Defence and Disaster Assistance and the Federal Agency for Technical Relief, archival research, analysis of websites and promotional materials as well as relevant academic literature, I examine disaster education and preparedness for national emergencies in Germany. I argue that it is not generally extended to the general public, rather confined to trained experts, decentralised, localised and exclusive. Theorising disaster education as a ‘civil defence pedagogy’ (Preston, 2008), a type of public pedagogy, which contributes to shaping narratives of national identity, I argue that it is unlikely that Germany will develop a more inclusive, universal, formalised, nor high-profile campaign in disaster education in the foreseeable future. This, I suggest, is due to narratives of the German democratic nation state as secure, federal, peaceful and unified, which originated at the founding of West Germany in 1949, and continue to shape contemporary political narratives.