1000 resultados para South Haven (Mich.)
Resumo:
This thesis explores the link between South-South remittance and development. It attempts to establish improved understanding about the role of immigrants as agents of constituency growth and development. By doing so, it illuminates the dark corners of the policy implications that the unconventional development agency of immigrants might have for countries in the Organization ft Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). The thesis problematises the existence of state-centric international cooperation as providing the recipe for failed Aid in the face of global poverty menace. In the last half a century, the relative shi' of focus to non-state actors brought about the proliferation of NGOs. That, intrun, helped improve international access to crisis situations; however, their long-term remedial impacts on poverty and development have been contested. Major misgivings for non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are, on one hand, low level goal-bound expenditures and lack of independence from influence of the state, on the other. Therefore, the thesis enterprises to empirically verify its fundamental question whether remitting immigrants constitute an alternative development agency to the traditional players: the State and NGOs. Its main arguments are: due to state's failures in bringing sustainable development in many countries of the South, the future of poverty reduction and development also rests in immigrants' remittances. Nonetheless, in the last decade, remittance security-nexus dominated its discourse. Because of that remittance was viewed as something requiring global regime and restrictions. These temptations to tightly regulate remittance flows carry the danger of overlooking its trans-boundary nature and its strong link with livelihood of the poor. Therefore, to avoid unintended consequences of interventions, there need to be clear policy that bases itself on a discursive knowledge on the issues of North-South and South-South remittances The study involved both literature based and empirical research. It employed Discourse Analysis (C as main method for the former and snow-balling as its approach for the latter. For the first part the thesis constructed three conceptual models, these are: metrological model, police model and ecological model on remittance development-nexus. Through this modeling, the thesis achieved better deconstruction on the concepts remittance, immigrants and development agency. The protagonists of each model, the values and interests they represent, and their main arguments along various lines of dichotomies have been discussed. For instance, the main treats of meteorological model include: it sees remittance as transitional economic variable which require constant speculations and global management; it acts as meteorological station for following up or predicting the level, direction, flow and movement of global remittance. It focuses on official lines and considers the state as legitimate recipient of advic and positive consequence of remittance. On the other hand, police model views remittance as beir at best, development neutral or as an illicit activity requiring global regulations and tight control. Both immigrants and remittance viewed as subversive to establishments. It gives primacy to state stable agent of development and a partner for international cooperation. The anti-thesis to the police model is supplied by ecological model, which this thesis is a part. Ecological model on remittance and immigrants argues that, tight global regulations alone cannot be a panacea for possible abuse of informal remittance system. Ecological model, not only links remittance to poverty reduction, the main trust of development, but also considers the development agency of immigrants as critical factor for 21st century north-south development intervention. It sees immigrants as development conscious and their remittance instrument as most stable flow of finance to the developing countries. Besides, it sees remittance as effective poverty solutions than Foreign Direct Investment and international AID. This thesis focuses on the significance of South-South remittance and investigates the South Africa - Ethiopia remittance corridor, as case study; and empirically verifies the role of Ethiopian (Kembata and Hadiya) immigrants in South Africa as agents of local development back home. The study involved techniques of interview, group discussions, observations and investigative study. It also looked into the determinants of their migration to South Africa, and their remittance to Ethiopia. The theoretical models in the first part of the thesis have been operationalised throughout the empirical part to verify if the Kembata and Hadiya immigrants played the crucial role in their household poverty and local development in comparison with the Ethiopian state and the NGOs involved in the system. As evidenced by the research the thesis has made three distinct contributions to the discourse of remittance development-nexus. Fist, it systematized the debate about linkages between remittance, immigrants, development agency and policy of international cooperation by creating three conceptual models (school of thoughts); second, it singled out remitting immigrants as new agents of development in the South; third, it deconstructed concept of remittance and established South¬South remittance as additional sphere of academic investigation. In addition to the above contributions, the thesis finds that Kembata and Hadiya immigrants have engaged in various developmental activities in their locality than usually anticipated. Hence, it concludes that Ethiopian immigrants constitute an alternative development agency to the state and other non-state actors in their country, and the lesson can be applied to poverty reduction strategies in most developing countries.
Resumo:
A new species of gecko, Hemidactylus graniticolus sp. nov. is described from Karnataka state, south India. This large-sized (SVL to at least 110.6 mm), rupicolous gecko differs from congeners in having 16-18 longitudinal rows of fairly regularly arranged, subtrihedral, weakly keeled, striated tubercles at midbody; 9-11 and 12-13 subdigital lamellae on the first and fourth digits, respectively, of both manus and pes; tail with transverse series of four enlarged tubercles on each tail segment; 23-28 femoral pores on each side separated by 1-3 poreless scales; 12-14 supralabials and 9-11 infralabials. Molecular data support the distinctiveness of the new species and its affinities with large-bodied, tuberculate Hemidactylus spp. from India and Sri Lanka.
Resumo:
Numerous morphology-based classification schemes have been proposed for langurs and leaf monkeys of South Asia but there is very little agreement between them. An incorrect classification scheme when used as a basis for biogeographic studies can support erroneous hypotheses. Further, lack of taxonomic resolution will also confound conservation efforts, given that conservation biologists use traditional morphology-based-classification schemes to prioritize species for conservation. Here, I have revisited recent molecular phylogenetic studies done on langurs and leaf monkeys of South Asia. Results from these studies are in turn used to derive a rational and scientific basis for prioritizing species for conservation. Molecular data support the classification of langurs of the Indian subcontinent-Hanuman, Nilgiri and purple-faced langurs-in the genus Semnopithecus, whereas Phayre's leaf monkey along with other Southeast Asian leaf monkeys form another distinct clade (Trachypithecus). The phylogenetic position of capped and golden langurs remains unresolved. Molecular data suggest that they are closely related to each other but this group might have evolved through past hybridization between Semnopithecus and Trachypithecus. Additionally, genetic data also support the splitting of the so-called Hanuman langurs into at least three species. The scores for taxonomic uniqueness of langurs and leaf monkeys of South Asia were revised using this molecular phylogeny-based classification. According to the revised scores, Phayres leaf monkey and golden langur are priority species for conservation followed by capped and Nilgiri langurs.
Resumo:
Glucose-6-phosphate dehydrogenase (G6PD) deficiency is seen at a higher frequency in many national and ethnic groups in areas of current or former malaria endemicity. A screening programme undertaken to evaluate the gene frequencies for this deficiency in the highly inbred South Indian population of Karnataka revealed that of the 5140 neonates screened, 7.8% were G6PD deficient with no correlation between the reported level of inbreeding and enzyme deficiency. An interesting finding was the equal number of male (198) and female (207) individuals, with G6PD activity of less than 3 IU. The possible implications of this finding with regard to the expression of G6PD gene is discussed.
Resumo:
Glucose-6-phosphate dehydrogenase (G6PD) is coded by a gene on the X-chromosome. Earlier studies have shown that the South Indian population has a high incidence of this enzyme deficiency. The electrophoretic mobility, pH optimum and the K-m values for G6PD from normal and variant individuals were identical. However, the specific activity of the variant enzyme was 8 times less compared to the value of the normal enzyme. Western blot analysis of partially purified G6PD from normal and variant individuals performed using equal amounts of total protein showed that the variant protein was 3 times less in concentration. Similar analysis performed using protein corresponding to equal enzyme activity units in the normal and variant samples showed that the variant enzyme was 2.25 times less efficient compared to the normal enzyme. RNA dot blot analysis using full length G6PD cDNA probe (PGDT5B, a kind gift from Prof. L Luzzatto) revealed that lymphocytes from normal and variant individuals had equal amounts of G6PD specific mRNA.
Resumo:
Shri Shakti LPG Ltd. (SSLPG) imports and markets propane (referred to as liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) in India) in south India. It sells LPG in packed (cylinder) form to domestic customers and commercial establishments through a network of dealers. Dealers replenish their stocks of filled cylinders from bottling plants, which in turn receive LPG in bulk from the cheaper of SSLPG's two import-and-storage facilities that are located on the Indian coast. We implemented integer programming to help SSLPG decide on the locations and long-run sizes of its bottling plants. We estimate that our recommended configuration of bottling plants is about $1 million cheaper annually than the one that SSLPG had initially planned.
Resumo:
Background—Mutations of the APC gene cause familial adenomatous polyposis (FAP), a hereditary colorectal cancer predisposition syndrome.Aims—To conduct a cost comparison analysis of predictive genetic testing versus conventional clinical screening for individuals at risk of inheriting FAP, using the perspective of a third party payer. Methods—All direct health care costs for both screening strategies were measured according to time and motion, and the expected costs evaluated using a decision analysis model.Results—The baseline analysis predicted that screening a prototype FAP family would cost $4975/£3109 by molecular testingand $8031/£5019 by clinical screening strategy, when family members were monitored with the same frequency of clinical surveillance (every two to three years). Sensitivity analyses revealed that the genetic testing approach is cost saving for key variables including the kindred size, the age of screening onset, and the cost of mutation identification in a proband. However, if the APC mutation carriers were monitored at an increased (annual) frequency, the cost of the genetic screening strategy increased to $7483/ £4677 and was especially sensitive to variability in age of onset of screening, family size, and cost of genetic testing of at risk relatives. Conclusions—In FAP kindreds, a predictive genetic testing strategy costs less than conventional clinical screening, provided that the frequency of surveillance is identical using either strategy. An additional significant benefit is the elimination of unnecessary colonic examinations for those family members found to be noncarriers.
Resumo:
Given that peninsular India was part of the Gondwanan super continent, part of its current biota has Gondwanan origin. To determine the Gondwanan component of the peninsular Indian biota, a large number of species spanning diverse taxonomic groups need to be sampled from multiple, if not all, of the former Gondwanan fragments. Such a large scale phylogenetic approach will be time consuming and resource intensive. Here, we explore the utility of a limited sampling approach, wherein sampling is confined to one of the Gondwanan fragments (peninsular India), in identifying putative Gondwanan elements. To this end, samples of Scolopendrid centipedes from Western Ghats region of peninsular India were subjected to molecular phylogenetic and dating analyses. The resulting phylogenetic tree supported monophyly of the family Scolopendridae which was in turn split into two clades constituting tribes Otostigmini and Scolopendrini-Asanadini. Bayesian divergence date estimates suggested that the earliest diversifications within various genera were between 86 and 73 mya, indicating that these genera might have Gondwanan origin. In particular, at least four genera of Scolopendrid centipedes, Scolopendra, Cormocephalus, Rhysida and Digitipes, might have undergone diversification on the drifting peninsular India during the Late Cretaceous. These putative Gondwanan taxa can be subjected to more extensive sampling to confirm their Gondwanan origin. (C) 2011 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Resumo:
European accounts from the 17th century onwards have referred to the repute and manufacture of “wootz’, a traditional crucible steel made especially in parts of southern India in the former provinces of Golconda, Mysore and Salem. Pliny's Natural History mentions the import of iron and steel from the Seres which have been thought to refer to the ancient southern Indian kingdom of the Cheras. As yet the scale of excavations and surface surveys is too limited to link the literary accounts to archaeometallurgical evidence, although pioneering exploratory investigations have been made by scholars, especially on the pre-industrial production sites of Konasamudram and Gatihosahalli discussed in 18th-19th century European accounts. In 1991–2 during preliminary surveys of ancient base metal mining sites, Srinivasan came across unreported dumps with crucible fragments at Mel-Siruvalur in Tamil Nadu, and Tintini and Machnur in Karnataka and she collected surface specimens from these sites as well as from the known site of Gatihosahalli. She was also given crucible fragments by the Tamil University, Tanjavur, from an excavated megalithic site at Kodumanal, dated to ca 2nd c. Bc, mentioned in Tamil Sangam literature (ca 3rd c. BC-3rd c. AD), and very near Karur, the ancient capital of the Sangam Cheras. Analyses of crucible fragments from the surface collection at Mel-Siruvalur showed several iron prills with a uniform pearlitic structure of high-carbon hypereutectoid steel (∼1–1.5% C) suggesting that the end product was uniformly a high-carbon steel of a structure consistent with those of high-carbon steels used successfully to experimentally replicate the watered steel patterns on ‘Damascus’ swords. Investigations indicate that the process was of carburisation of molten low carbon iron (m.p. 1400° C) in crucibles packed with carbonaceous matter. The fabric of crucibles from all the above mentioned sites appears similar. Preliminary investigations on these crucibles are thus reported to establish their relationship to crucible production of carbon steel and to thereby extend the known horizons of this technology further.
Resumo:
Analysis of data on 106,848 marriages in the cities of Bangalore and Mysore, South India, between 1980 and 1989 showed that levels of consanguineous marriage varied between cities through time and by religion. The average coefficient of inbreeding was higher in Bangalore (F = 0·0339) than in Mysore (F = 0·0203), principally reflecting large-scale, post-Independence rural migration into Bangalore. Although there was some evidence of a decline in consanguineous marriages in Mysore, there was no convincing support in either city for earlier projections of a rapid reduction in the popularity of unions between close biological relatives.
Resumo:
New metallurgical and ethnographic observations of the traditional manufacture of specular high-tin bronze mirrors in Kerala state of southern India are discussed, which is an exceptional example of a surviving craft practice of metal mirror-making in the world. The manufacturing process has been reconstructed from analytical investigations made by Srinivasan following a visit late in 1991 to a mirror making workshop and from her technical studies of equipment acquired by Glover in March 1992 from another group of mirror makers from Pathanamthita at an exhibition held at Crafts Museum, Delhi. Finished and unfinished mirror from two workshops were of a binary, copper-tin alloy of 33% tin which is close to the composition of pure delta phase, so that these mirrors are referred to here as ‘delta’ bronzes. For the first time, metallurgical and field observations were made by Srinivasan in 1991 of the manufacture of high-tin ‘beta’ bonze vessels from Palghat district, Kerala, i‥e of wrought and quenched 23% tin bronze. This has provided the first metallurgical record for a surviving craft of high-tin bronze bowl making which can be directly related to archaeological finds of high-tin bronze vessels from the Indian subcontinent and Southeast Asia. New analytical investigations are presented of high-tin beta bronzes from the Indian subcontinent which are some of the earliest reported worldwide. These coupled with the archaeometallurgical evidence suggests that these high-tin bronze techniques are part of a long, continuing, and probably indigenous tradition of the use of high-tin bronzes in the Indian subcontinent with finds reported even from Indus Valley sites. While the source of tin has been problematic, new evidence on bronze smelting slags and literary evidence suggests there may have been some sources of tin in South India.
Resumo:
Community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) is the joint management of natural resources by a community based on a community strategy, through a participatory mechanism involving all legitimate stakeholders. The approach is community-based in that the communities managing the resources have the legal rights, the local institutions and the economic incentives to take substantial responsibility for sustained use of these resources. This implies that the community plays an active role in the management of natural resources, not because it asserts sole ownership over them, but because it can claim participation in their management and benefits for practical and technical reasons1–4. This approach emerged as the dominant conservation concept in the late 1970s and early 1980s, of the disillusionment with the developmental state. Governments across South and South East Asia, Africa and Latin America have adopted and implemented CBNRM in various ways, viz. through sectoral programmes such as forestry, irrigation or wildlife management, multisectoral programmes such as watershed development and efforts towards political devolution. In India, the principle of decentralization through ‘gram swaraj’ was introduced by Mahatma Gandhi. The 73rd and 74th constitution amendments in 1992 gave impetus to the decentralized planning at panchayat levels through the creation of a statutory three-level local self-government structure5,6. The strength of this book is that it includes chapters by CBNRM advocates based on six seemingly innovative initiatives being implemented by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in ecologically vulnerable regions of South Asia: two in the Himalayas (watershed development programme in Lingmutechhu, Bhuthan and Thalisain tehsil, Paudi Grahwal District, Uttarakhand), three in semi-arid parts of western India (watershed development in Hivre Bazar, Maharashtra and Nathugadh village, Gujarat and water-harvesting structures in Gopalapura, Rajasthan) and one in the flood-plains of the Brahmaputra–Jamuna (Char land, Galibanda and Jamalpur districts, Bangladesh). Watersheds in semi-arid regions fall in the low-rainfall region (500–700 mm) and suffer the vagaries of drought 2–3 years in every five-year cycle. In all these locations, the major occupation is agriculture, most of which is rainfed or dry. The other two cases (in Uttarakhand) fall in the Himalayan region (temperate/sub-temperate climate), which has witnessed extensive deforestation in the last century and is now considered as one of the most vulnerable locations in South Asia. Terraced agriculture is being practised in these locations for a long time. The last case (Gono Chetona) falls in the Brahmaputra–Jamuna charlands which are the most ecologically vulnerable regions in the sub-continent with constantly changing landscape. Agriculture and livestock rearing are the main occupations, and there is substantial seasonal emigration for wage labour by the adult males. River erosion and floods force the people to adopt a semi-migratory lifestyle. The book attempts to analyse the potential as well as limitations of NGOdriven CBNRM endeavours across agroclimatic regions of South Asia with emphasis on four intrinsically linked normative concerns, namely sustainability, livelihood enhancement, equity and demographic decentralization in chapters 2–7. Comparative analysis of these case studies done in chapter 8, highlights the issues that require further research while portraying the strengths and limits of NGO-driven CBNRM. In Hivre Bazar, the post-watershed intervention scenario is such that farmers often grow three crops in a year – kharif bajra, rabi jowar and summer vegetable crops. Productivity has increased in the dry lands due to improvement in soil moisture levels. The revival of johads in Gopalpura has led to the proliferation of wheat and increased productivity. In Lingmuteychhu, productivity gains have also arisen, but more due to the introduction of both local and high-yielding, new varieties as opposed to increased water availability. In the case of Gono Chetona, improvements have come due to diversification of agriculture; for example, the promotion of vegetable gardens. CBNRM interventions in most cases have also led to new avenues of employment and income generation. The synthesis shows that CBNRM efforts have made significant contributions to livelihood enhancement and only limited gains in terms of collective action for sustainable and equitable access to benefits and continuing resource use, and in terms of democratic decentralization, contrary to the objectives of the programme. Livelihood benefits include improvements in availability of livelihood support resources (fuelwood, fodder, drinking water), increased productivity (including diversification of cropping pattern) in agriculture and allied activities, and new sources of livelihood. However, NGO-driven CBNRM has not met its goal of providing ‘alternative’ forms of ‘development’ due to impediments of state policy, short-sighted vision of implementers and confrontation with the socio-ecological reality of the region, which almost always are that of fragmented communities (or communities in flux) with unequal dependence and access to land and other natural resources along with great gender imbalances. Appalling, however, is the general absence of recognition of the importance of and the will to explore practical ways to bring about equitable resource transfer or benefit-sharing and the consequent innovations in this respect that are evident in the pioneering community initiatives such as pani panchayat, etc. Pertaining to the gains on the ecological sustainability front, Hivre Bazar and Thalisain initiatives through active participation of villagers have made significant regeneration of the water table within the village, and mechanisms such as ban on number of bore wells, the regulation of cropping pattern, restrictions on felling of trees and free grazing to ensure that in the future, the groundwater is neither over-exploited nor its recharge capability impaired. Nevertheless, the longterm sustainability of the interventions in the case of Ghoga and Gopalpura initiatives as the focus has been mostly on regeneration of resources, and less on regulating the use of regenerated resources. Further, in Lingmuteychhu and Gono Chetona, the interventions are mainly household-based and the focus has been less explicit on ecological components. The studies demonstrate the livelihood benefits to all of the interventions and significant variation in achievements with reference to sustainability, equity and democratic decentralization depending on the level and extent of community participation apart from the vision of implementers, strategy (or nature of intervention shaped by the question of community formation), the centrality of community formation and also the State policy. Case studies show that the influence of State policy is multi-faceted and often contradictory in nature. This necessitates NGOs to engage with the State in a much more purposeful way than in an ‘autonomous space’. Thus the role of NGOs in CBNRM is complementary, wherein they provide innovative experiments that the State can learn. This helps in achieving the goals of CBNRM through democratic decentralization. The book addresses the vital issues related to natural resource management and interests of the community. Key topics discussed throughout the book are still at the centre of the current debate. This compilation consists of well-written chapters based on rigorous synthesis of CBNRM case studies, which will serve as good references for students, researchers and practitioners in the years to come.