Creando comunidades de práctica y conocimiento en la Universidad: una experiencia de trabajo entre las universidades de lengua catalana

En la sociedad actual, la educación y la formación a través de comunidades de práctica, virtuales o presenciales, se convierte en una práctica habitual que, con mayor o menor fortuna, está siendo experimentada en diferentes ám- bitos formativos (en la universidad, en la empresa, en el sistema escolar, en la educación no formal, etc.). Partiendo de la idea de que la misión de la Universidad en los inicios del siglo xxi sigue siendo la difusión del conocimiento científico, consideramos que la creación de comunidades de práctica es un reto necesario a asumir por todos los profesionales de la educación y la formación, dado que a través de ellas se puede, por una parte, transferir y generar nuevo conocimiento y por otra, lograr mejores prácticas en el campo de la investigación y la docencia. Todo este planteamiento nos permite avalar la necesidad de desarrollar un trabajo que tenga como finalidad la conformación de una comunidad de práctica entre profesores universitarios, noveles y experimentados.

Moual Sika ; Ma Tguoulhass El Mamak / Cheikha Aicha La Hebrea, chant [acc. instr.]

[Traditions. Afrique du Nord. Maroc]

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Babel y la Biblioteca, máscaras del mito en la lingüística

Los manuales de historia de la lingüística tratan del mito bíblico de Babel y del nacimiento de la gramática en Alejandría de manos de Dionisio de Tracia. Estos pasajes de la historia, que corresponden a épocas diferentes, remiten a dos problemas fundamentales de la lingüística: por una parte, el origen del lenguaje y la diversidad lingüística; por la otra, la invención de la gramática como instrumento para la edición de textos y para el conocimiento formal de la lengua. Pese a las diferencias, Babel y la biblioteca de Alejandría tienen en común una naturaleza mítica. Sus relatos contienen elementos de la ficción y de la realidad que suelen pasar desapercibidos. El artículo señala estos elementos y establece ciertas afinidades entre Babel y la biblioteca, de suerte que articulados componen un ciclo narrativo. // Abstract.- Babel and the Library, the myth masks in Linguistics. History textbooks of linguistics explain the biblical myth of Babel and the birth of grammar in Alexandria at the hands of Dionysius Thrax. These passages of history, which correspond to different times, refer to two fundamental problems of linguistics: first, the origin of language and linguistic diversity and on the other, the invention of grammar as a tool for text editing and formal knowledge of the language. Despite the differences, Babel and the library of Alexandria share a mythical nature. These stories contain elements of fiction and reality that often go unnoticed. The article points out these elements and establishes affinities between Babel and the library, so that it should be considered as a narrative cycle. Keywords: Babel, Library of Alexandria, myth, story, grammar, institution, Dionysius Thrax.

OKKASIONALISMEN: Eine Analyse anhand ausgewählter Beispiele aus einer Wochenzeitung

Muchos lingüistas ya han estudiado los ocasionalismos en la lengua alemana por su interés lingüístico, pero lo han hecho en general y solo muy pocos los han tratado observando su contexto. Por lo tanto, este trabajo analiza con qué frecuencia se hallanocasionalismos en una edición específica del periódico semanal DIE ZEIT, qué tipos de ocasionalismos hay y cómo el lector puede descifrarlos con o sin la ayuda del contexto. Para ello, he sintetizado los conocimientos básicos necesarios sobre laformación de las palabras en alemán, poniendo el énfasis en la formación de palabras nuevas, como son los ocasionalismos. De esta manera, he podido clasificar los ocasionalismos en los tres clases principales de la formación de palabras en alemán y, asimismo, analizarlos en su contexto. El resultado son 234 ocasionalismosencontrados, un 88 % de palabras compuestas, un 7 % de derivaciones y un 5 % de conversiones. Mediante estos ejemplos, he estudiado cómo el lector puede llegar a entenderlos sin tener previo conocimiento de ellos y prescindiendo del contexto; y laconclusión es que lo consigue a través de analogías con palabras conocidas y descomponiendo la nueva palabra en sus elementos constituyentes directos; sin embargo, el contexto sigue siendo imprescindible.

En busca de la lengua perfecta: pasado, presente y futuro

Análisis de las lenguas artificiales más importantes que se han creado a lo largo de la historia con el objetivo de encontrar una lengua perfecta común para todos y presentación del Rodinio, una nueva lengua artificial basada en una serie de criterios en busca de esa perfección.

Parler petit nègre: una pincelada fraseológica y léxica de la visión de la lengua del otro

El artículo intentará ofrecer una pincelada sobre qué nos deparan las unidades fraseológicas de diversas procedencias cuando se refieren a otras lenguas o a sus hablantes. La connotación es casi siempre peyorativa para la lengua del otro, se trate de una variante vernácula minorizada, como el patués, o de cualquier idioma extranjero ininteligible y por ello molesto a los autóctonos. El prejuicio lingüístico, constante universal que persiste en nuestro mundo globalizado bajo diversas formas, puede originarse por circunstancias históricas, en el caso de contactos entre pueblos por movimientos migratorios, conflictos bélicos o directamente por invasiones. Sería el caso del pidgin English para los súbditos de Su Majestad que se vieron obligados a aprender la lengua del Imperio, o del parler petit nègre de los africanos orientales en el siglo XIX. La algarabía es ahora sinónimo de confusión lingüística y antaño de lengua árabe, incomprensible para los peninsulares, «que hablaban en cristiano». En otras ocasiones, se trata del estereotipo de la cultura remota desconocida, como «Me suena a chino». Nuestra cata abarcará, entre otros, ejemplos en inglés, francés, castellano y catalán.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Kamikawa, videojuego para practicar el vocabulario de la lengua inglesa

Desarrollo de un videojuego para Android, Kamikawa, que sirve para practicar el vocabulario de la lengua inglesa.