Estadísticas de los desembarques de la pesquería marina peruana 1999

El presente informe reúne los daros de desembarque de los recursos hidrobiológicos marinos procedentes de la pesquería industria, la de consumo y la de pesca artesanal; y describe en forma detallada el comportamiento estadístico de las 32 especies de mayor importancia comercia. De igual modo, se encuentran incluidas las dos principales pesquerías pelágicas y demersales, las mismas que son el sustento de las pesquería nacional.

Distribución de los recursos pelágicos de mayor interés a finales de otoño 1999. Crucero BIC José Playa Balandra y BIC Humboldt 9906 de Paita a Punta Infiernillos

Se describe la distribución de abundancia de los diversos recursos pelágicos de mayor interés comercial encontrados a finales de otoño y comienzos de invierno 1999: anchoveta (Engraulis ringens), sardina (Sardinops sagax), jurel (Trachurus picturatus murphyi), caballa (Scomber japonicus), samasa (Anchoa nasus), vinciguerria (Vinciguerria lucetia), bagre (Galeichthys peruvianus), falso volador (Prionotus stephanophrys), pez cinta (Trichiurus lepturus), camotillo (Normanichthys crockeri), mictófidos (Myctophidae), pota (Dosidicus gigas) y múnida (Pleuroncodes monodon). El muestreo acústico se realizó a bordo de los BICs Humboldt y José Olaya Balandra, con el apoyo de las LP IMARPE IV y V, respectivamente; Paita a Punta Infiernillos entre los días 13 y 28 de junio 1999. En ambos buques se utilizaron las ecosondas científicas SIMRAD EK 500, con frecuencias de 38 y 120 kHz, en rango de detección de 3,0 a 250 m de profundidad, distribuidos en siete capas de integración. Por el trayecto de navegación se utilizó una grilla sistemática paralela, constituidos por 32 perfiles con separación de 20 mn entre ellos. Se realizaron 176 lances de pesca, lo que permitió una adecuada disgregación de los valores integrados. Las áreas de distribución de cada recurso se determinaron mediante un programa de Software de interpolación de datos.

Principales recursos de la fauna acompañante de la merluza entre Huarmey y Puerto Pizarro durante el verano 1999

Se analiza la situación de los recursos demersales durante la realización del Crucero de Estimación de la Biomasa de la Merluza.

Distribución de los recursos pelágicos del 25 al 27 octubre 1999. Crucero BIC Jose Olaya Balandra 9910

Mediante el método hidroacústico se estudiaron la vinciguerria, achoveta, jurel, caballa y múnida.

Investigación y recomendaciones acerca de los recursos hidrobiológicos del sistema Lago Titicaca-Perú

La siguiente investigación se centra en establecer las bases científicas para la administración racional de las pesquerías peruanas de aguas continentales y para su óptima utilización.

Sistema de información sobre los desembarques de los recursos marinos en el litoral peruano

El presente trabajo está referido a los Desembarques Pesqueros a nivel nacional a lo largo de Litoral peruano desde Tumbes a Tacna hasta las 200 millas; generando una data en base a la recolección de informaciones básicas de diferentes fuentes y en diversos formatos, esto con la finalidad de cubrir el mayor ámbito geográfico posible. Esta información es estandarizada a un solo formato denominado F-31 (documentos), que sirven como registros de entrada para la generación del archivo de data debidamente organizada consistenciada, que genera los procesos de reportes de cuadros estadísticos varios.

Enmalle de los recursos costeros con uso del zumbador en Pacasmayo

pesca a bordo de embarcaciones artesanales utilizando redes de enmalle con diferentes tamaños de malla y zumbadores, para la pesca de los principales recursos comerciales costeros (coco, lorna, pintadilla, cachema). Las redes de enmalle operadas en forma lineal se calaron entre 4 y 8 minutos, reposo de 2:39 a 4:45 horas y cobrado de 10 a 28 minutos; las operadas en forma semicircular se calaron entre 5 a 6 minutos, reposo de 6 a 16 minutos y cobrado de 31 a 46 minutos. Se capturó un total de 179 kg, entre coco (126 kg), cachema (20 kg), pintadilla (9 kg), lorna (5 kg) y otros (19 kg). Los mayores índices de CPUE para el coco registrado en las diferentes zonas de pesca correspondió a 975 kg/h en Milagros y 275 kg/h en Puémape; esta captura, estuvo conformada principalmente por juveniles.

Acceso a los recursos web gratuitos desde las bibliotecas

Se describen y analizan los sistemas que utilizan actualmente las bibliotecas para facilitar a sus usuarios el acceso a los recursos web gratuitos. En primer lugar se acota el ámbito de estudio a este tipo concreto de recursos y se ponen de relieve los principales problemas que tienen los localizadores para su identificación y recuperación. Los modelos que siguen las bibliotecas para organizar los recursos web son básicamente tres: la elaboración de listas, la creación de bases de datos de recursos y la integración de éstos en el catálogo. Este estudio se centra en la descripción, identificación y caracterización de los dos últimos modelos; se destacan las principales experiencias y se comentan los criterios de selección, el tipo de descripción, los sistemas de indización y clasificación, el sistema de recuperación de la información y la política de mantenimiento utilizados en cada uno de ellos. Finalmente, se indican las tendencias actuales en ese ámbito y se presentan unas consideraciones sobre cómo pueden abordar las bibliotecas españolas la organización de estos recursos.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

La Participación de los estudiantes en la universidad: dificultades percibidas y propuestas de mejora = Student participation in the university: perceived problems and proposals for improvement

Este artículo se centra en el análisis de la participación de los estudiantes en el gobierno de la universidad y muestra específicamente las principales dificultades que hay para ella y las propuestas que pueden facilitar la implicación de los estudiantes en el funcionamiento de las universidades. A partir de una investigación desarrollada durante los cursos 2007-08 y 2008-09, en la que se utilizaron cuestionarios y grupos de discusión con estudiantes y entrevistas dirigidas al profesorado, se obtiene información sobre los principales obstáculos para la participación estudiantil. El estudio realizado muestra que, de acuerdo con la tónica general reflejada en otras investigaciones sobre esta misma temática en nuestro contexto, la participación de los estudiantes en los distintos estamentos universitarios es escasa. Ahora bien, la metodología seguida en esta investigación permite contrastar las opiniones de los estudiantes con las percepciones del profesorado y obtener así matices significativos que muestran las principales direcciones que hay que tomar para facilitar un cambio de orientación en el asunto. Los cambios que debemos emprender están relacionados no solo con la mejora de los mecanismos de información acerca de los canales de participación, sino también con el replanteamiento de los procesos participativos por parte de la universidad, así como del papel del profesorado y, específicamente, de los coordinadores de los órganos de gestión más próximos a los estudiantes. En las conclusiones del documento se presentan las propuestas de mejora dirigidas a potenciar la implicación de los estudiantes en el funcionamiento universitario. Entre ellas se apuntan las siguientes: mejorar la información y los canales de comunicación con los estudiantes, mejorar los procesos electorales, ofrecer formación a los estudiantes para la participación y formación al profesorado acerca de las metodologías, recursos e instrumentos que pueden repercutir en la motivación de los estudiantes

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Los recursos de aprendizaje

Les autores i autors d'aquest llibre ofereixen una descripció de l'evolució general de l'e-learning apuntant els elements clau cap als que ha d'anar evolucionant. Parteixen de l'experiència i la pràctica contrastada amb les investigacions sobre el tema. Al llarg dels diferents capítols ens mostren com viu un estudiant virtual, el seu paper i la manera com planteja i organitza les seves activitats; ens acosten al professorat analitzant el seu reol en el disseny de la formació i la comunicació amb els estudiants; parlen de la col·laboració, analitzant com dissenyar activitats col·laboratives i assenyalant els seus avantatges i límits; descriuen els diferents recursos d'aprenentatge que poden disposar en el disseny dels cursos i, finalment, acompanyen la nostra mirada cap al futur proper analitzant les tendències i els reptes als que hem de fer front per a construir l'e-learning del segle XXI

"Las cosechas se calcularon en dólares y la tierra se valoraba en capital más interés". Una interpretación crítica desde la Economía Ecológica de la evaluación monetaria de la degradación del suelo

El objetivo de este trabajo es discutir las principales aproximaciones utilizadas en la literatura para la evaluación monetaria de la degradación de los suelos: el método del coste de reposición y el método del cambio en la productividad. El método del coste de reposición ha sido aplicado principalmente a procesos de erosión, y representa a los suelos como simples "stocks" de nutrientes para las plantas. Este método es erróneo, además, por considerar que una unidad de nutriente en el suelo erosionado es equivalente a una unidad del mismo nutriente en un fertilizante sintético, ya que la concentración del nutriente en éste es muy superior a la concentración en aquél. Por su parte, el método del cambio en la productividad asigna al suelo lo que es, en realidad, un resultado del sistema de uso del territorio. Además, sólo considera la función de producción agraria del suelo, sobre la base de una definición por otro lado simplista de la productividad. En cualquier caso, estas aproximaciones no permiten resolver la valoración de los procesos irreversibles en la dinámica de los suelos ya que no disponemos de sustitutos renovables del suelo. Por ello, estos métodos no pueden considerarse sino complementarios de los métodos de valoración física de la dinámica de los suelos.