Under the veneer of decentralisation. Ukraine's modernisation efforts stall due to lack of local government reform. OSW Commentary No. 102, 2013-02-12

President Viktor Yanukovych and his Party of Regions have been repeating the pledge to decentralise power in Ukraine and to give local government a greater decision-making role ever since the party appeared on the Ukrainian political scene. The implementation of this reform is crucial both for the economic recovery of Ukraine’s regions and the overall modernisation efforts of the Ukrainian state. At present relations between central government and the regions are regulated by Soviet-era legislation that fails to address the modern-day challenges facing Ukraine. The political elite in the country, including the opposition, appear to have reached consensus on the importance of the decentralisation reform. The first attempts to implement changes in this area were made in the late 1990s, followed by a comprehensive reform programme developed between 2007 and 2009 by Yulia Tymoshenko’s government. In 2012, the Constitutional Assembly under the President of Ukraine appointed a team of experts who drafted a document detailing the reform of local government and the territorial organisation of power1. The document envisages the implementation of what effectively are two major reforms: (1) an administrative-territorial reform, which would help consolidate the fragmented administrative structure, creating larger and more economically self-sufficient administrative units, and (2) local government reform, focusing on creating clearly defined powers for local authorities with a view to securing government funding for specific tasks delegated from central government. Nonetheless, despite these measures, and in spite of the rhetoric coming from President Yanukovych and other members of the Party of Regions, it seems unlikely that the reform will be implemented in the foreseeable future. A series of concrete political decisions taken by the president over the past three years indicate that Yanukovych has not abandoned his plan to build a highly centralised political system. This in turn limits the capacity to govern of local authorities and further restricts the sources of funding for Ukraine’s regions. This apparent resistance to change stems from the fact that by implementing the proposed reforms, the president and his political allies would be forced to relinquish much of their control over the political processes taking place in the country and would have to free up the distribution of budgetary resources between Kyiv and the regions. The implementation of the reform within the specified timeframe (i.e. by 2015) is also unlikely due to the upcoming presidential election and the deteriorating economic situation in Ukraine. Without a comprehensive reform of local government, however, Ukraine will be unable to undertake effective modernisation measures, which are key for the socio-economic development of the country’s regions.

From stabilisation to stagnation. Viktor Yanukovych's reforms. OSW Point of View Number 32, March 2013

After winning the 2010 presidential election, Viktor Yanukovych and his government developed an ambitious and comprehensive programme of reforms across key areas of social and political life. The return to a presidential system of government created the ideal conditions for the introduction of deep reforms: it allowed Viktor Yanukovych to consolidate more power than any other Ukrainian president before him.The authorities launched an overhaul of the tax and the pension systems, and of the Ukrainian gas sector. Kyiv also completed its negotiations on an Association Agreement with the EU and on a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area. However, the reformist zeal of Ukraine’s political elite progressively diminished as the parliamentary election approached, the economy slowed down, and the polls showed a decline in support for the ruling Party of Regions. Many of the reforms still remain in the planning stages, and in many areas the government has moved backwards. Viktor Yanukovych has proved unable to make systemic changes, and has increasingly used his powers to crush political opposition in Ukraine. The outcome of the latest parliamentary elections prevents the formation of a stable parliamentary majority, which in turn, removes any chance of reform before the 2015 presidential ballot.

The prospects for the EU-Ukraine free trade agreement. OSW Commentary No. 94, 2012-10-15

The European Union and Ukraine initialled the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area Agreement (DCFTA) on 19 July 2012. The scope of the agreement which the EU and Ukraine reached following their negotiations is much more extensive than that of a typical free trade agreement. It envisages not only the lifting of tariff and extra-tariff barriers but also, more importantly, Kyiv adopting EU legal solutions and standards in this area. Whether the agreement will be signed and implemented is still an open question and depends on the existing political conditions. On the one hand, the repression imposed by the government in Kyiv on its political opponents (including the detention of the former prime minister, Yulia Tymoshenko) has provoked criticism from the EU, which refuses to sign the agreement if the government in Kyiv continues to violate democratic principles. The manner in which Ukraine’s parliamentary elections are conducted this October will be the key test. On the other hand, Russia is increasingly active in its efforts to involve Ukraine in the integration projects it has initiated (the Customs Union and the Eurasian Economic Community). It should be noted that Moscow has effective instruments to exert its will, such as the dependence of the Ukrainian economy on supplies of Russian oil and gas and on exports to the Russian market. Besides, Moscow also has political instruments at its disposal. It is impossible to participate in integration projects both with the EU and with Russia. Therefore, Kyiv will have to make a strategic decision and choose the direction of its economic integration. Unless Ukraine takes concrete action to implement its agreements with the EU, primarily including the free trade agreement, its economic dependence on Russia will grow, and it will be more likely to join the Russian integration projects.

Debating the European debt crisis: Government leadership, party ideology and supranational integration as focal points of parliamentary debates in Austria, Germany and the United Kingdom. ACES Cases No. 2012.3

Parliamentary debates about the resolution of the EU debt crisis seem to provide a good example for the frequently assumed “politicizationˮ of European governance. Against this background, the paper argues that in order to make sense of this assumption, a clearer differentiation of three thematic focal points of controversies – with regard to the assessment of government leadership, concerning the debate between competing party ideologies within the left/right dimension, and with regard to the assessment of supranational integration – is needed. Applying this threefold distinction, the paper uses a theory of differential Europeanization to explain differences in the thematic structure of debates in the Austrian Nationalrat, the British House of Commons, and the German Bundestag. Empirically, the paper is based on data gained from the computer-based coding of plenary debates about the resolution of the European debt crisis between 2010 and 2011.

An Investigation of Career Tenure in the European Parliament: Electoral, Party and Individual Considerations. ACES Working Papers, 2012

What explains the length of a Member of the European Parliament’s career? Little evidence of careerism has been uncovered in the European Parliament, particularly when compared to studies of legislator tenure in the U.S. Congress. Due to the different historical contexts in which these two legislatures developed, it seems reasonable to rule out many of the explanations used to account for increasing careerism in Congress in searching for the influences on legislator tenure in the European Parliament. This paper therefore proposes three potential models of careerism in the European Parliament: an electoral systems model, a party model, and an individual model. While the data necessary to test these models has not been fully compiled, this paper outlines the major hypotheses of each model and details plans for the operationalization of all independent and control variables. These models are not intended to be mutually exclusive alternatives, but rather each explanation is expected to influence each MEP in varying degrees.

European Corporate Governance Reform and the German Party Paradox. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 03.1, 2003

This paper addresses the current discussion on links between party politics and production regimes. Why do German Social Democrats opt for more corporate governance liberalization than the CDU although, in terms of the distributional outcomes of such reforms, one would expect the situation to be reversed? I divide my analysis into three stages. First, I use the European Parliament’s crucial vote on the European takeover directive in July 2001 as a test case to show that the left-right dimension does indeed matter in corporate governance reform, beside cross-class and cross-party nation-based interests. In a second step, by analyzing the party positions in the main German corporate governance reforms in the 1990s, I show that the SPD and the CDU behave “paradoxically” in the sense that the SPD favored more corporate governance liberalization than the CDU, which protected the institutions of “Rhenish,” “organized” capitalism. This constellation occurred in the discussions on company disclosure, management accountability, the power of banks, network dissolution, and takeover regulation. Third, I offer two explanations for this paradoxical party behavior. The first explanation concerns the historical conversion of ideas. I show that trade unions and Social Democrats favored a high degree of capital organization in the Weimar Republic, but this ideological position was driven in new directions at two watersheds: one in the late 1940s, the other in the late 1950s. My second explanation lies in the importance of conflicts over managerial control, in which both employees and minority shareholders oppose managers, and in which increased shareholder power strengthens the position of works councils.

Britain’s Future in Europe: The known Plan A to remain or the unknown Plan B to leave. CEPS Paperback 2nd Ed., March 2016

Following the agreement made by Prime Minister David Cameron with the EU on 18-19 February 2016, the day for the referendum for the UK to remain in or leave the EU is set for 23 June 2016. This will be the most important decision taken by the British people in half a century, and whose consequences will live on for another half century. The first edition of this book, published in March 2015, laid the foundations for any objective assessment of the workings of the EU and the UK’s place in it. It was widely acclaimed and rated as “a myth-breaking exercise of the best kind”. This second edition adds a substantial new chapter following Cameron’s agreement with the EU and announcement of the referendum. It reviews both the ‘Plan A’, namely the status quo for the UK in the EU as amended by the new agreement, and three variants of a ‘Plan B’ for secession. The key point is that the ‘leave’ camp have not done their homework or ‘due diligence’ to specify the post-secession scenario, or how the British government would face up to the challenges that this would bring. The authors therefore do the ‘leave’ camp’s homework for them, setting out three Plan Bs more concretely and in more depth than the ‘leave’ camp have been able or wanted to do, or any other source has done. The book is therefore unique and essential reading for anyone concerned with the fateful choice that lies soon ahead.

A Plurilateral Agenda for Services? Assessing the case for a Trade in Services Agreement (TISA)

This paper explores a number of procedural and substantive considerations arising from ongoing attempts to craft a plurilateral Trade in Services Agreement (TISA) among the so-called “Really Good Friends of Services” coalition of WTO Members. The paper suggests that considerable scope exists to move forward a multilateral negotiating agenda on services that both the digital revolution and a continued surge of preferential rule-making has rendered increasingly obsolete. As the most significant attempt to date to craft a GATS Article V-compatible PTA in services, TISA offers considerable promise. The paper, however, cautions that the case for embedding TISA into the architecture of WTO rules alongside the General Agreement on Trade in Services or in its place is weak on both procedural and substantive grounds to the extent that the ongoing talks take place behind doors that remain closed even to the WTO Secretariat, let alone to many of the world’s leading developing country suppliers of services, and involve potentially significant departures from GATS rules liable to complicate any hoped for multilateral migratory journey. Key words: WTO, GATS, trade in services, plurilateral agreements, critical mass negotiations, preferential trade liberalization.

Calcareous nannofossil stratigraphy and key biohorizons of ODP Leg 173 sites

Six sites were drilled on the southern Iberia Abyssal Plain during Ocean Drilling Program (ODP) Leg 173. Three holes (1067A, 1068A, and 1069A) recovered Eocene sediments consisting of thinly bedded turbidite deposits with interbedded hemipelagic sediments (Bouma sequence Te) deposited near the calcite compensation depth. The hemipelagic sediments are barren of nannofossils, necessitating the use of the turbidite deposits to erect an Eocene biostratigraphy for these holes. Moderately preserved, diverse assemblages of nannofossils were recovered from silty clays (Bouma sequence Td) and poorly preserved, less diverse assemblages were recovered from sandy/silty clays (Bouma sequence Tc). Hole 1067A has a continuous record of sedimentation (Subzones CP9a-CP14a) and Holes 1068A and 1069A have similar continuous records (Subzones CP9a-CP12a), although all holes contain barren intervals. Holes 1067A, 1068A, 1069A, 900A (ODP Leg 149), and 398D (Deep Sea Drilling Project Leg 47B) display a similar increase in mass accumulation rates in the lowermost middle Eocene. A reliable Eocene biostratigraphy has been erected using nannofossil data from turbidite sequences, allowing for correlation between Iberia Abyssal Plain sites.

Spatial distribution of key zooplankton species using continuous plankton recorder (CPR) data from the North Atlantic (2000-2009)

The continuous plankton recorder (CPR) survey is an upper layer plankton monitoring program that has regularly collected samples, at monthly intervals, in the North Atlantic and adjacent seas since 1946. Water from approximately 6 m depth enters the CPR through a small aperture at the front of the sampler and travels down a tunnel where it passes through a silk filtering mesh of 270 µm before exiting at the back of the CPR. The plankton filtered on the silk is analyzed in sections corresponding to 10 nautical miles (approx. 3 m**3 of seawater filtered) and the plankton microscopically identified (Richardson et al., 2006 and reference therein). In the present study we used the CPR data to investigate the current basin scale distribution of C. finmarchicus (C5-C6), C. helgolandicus (C5-C6), C. hyperboreus (C5-C6), Pseudocalanus spp. (C6), Oithona spp. (C1-C6), total Euphausiida, total Thecosomata and the presence/absence of Cnidaria and the Phytoplankton Colour Index (PCI). The PCI, which is a visual assessment of the greenness of the silk, is used as an indicator of the distribution of total phytoplankton biomass across the Atlantic basin (Batten et al., 2003). Monthly data collected between 2000 and 2009 were gridded using the inverse-distance interpolation method, in which the interpolated values were the nodes of a 2 degree by 2 degree grid. The resulting twelve monthly matrices were then averaged within the year and in the case of the zooplankton the data were log-transformed (i.e. log10 (x+1).

Stable isotope ratios, carbon content and primary production of three sediment cores from the subantarctic eastern Atlantic

We present three new benthic foraminiferal delta13C, delta18O, and total organic carbon time series from the eastern Atlantic sector of the Southern Ocean between 41°S and 47°S. The measured glacial delta13C values belong to the lowest hitherto reported. We demonstrate a coincidence between depleted late Holocene (LH) delta13C values and positions of sites relative to ocean surface productivity. A correction of +0.3 to +0.4 [per mil VPDB] for a productivity-induced depletion of Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) benthic delta13C values of these cores is suggested. The new data are compiled with published data from 13 sediment cores from the eastern Atlantic Ocean between 19°S and 47°S, and the regional deep and bottom water circulation is reconstructed for LH (4-0 ka) and LGM (22-16 ka) times. This extends earlier eastern Atlantic-wide synoptic reconstructions which suffered from the lack of data south of 20°S. A conceptual model of LGM deep-water circulation is discussed that, after correction of southernmost cores below the Antarctic Circumpolar Current (ACC) for a productivity-induced artifact, suggests a reduced formation of both North Atlantic Deep Water in the northern Atlantic and bottom water in the southwestern Weddell Sea. This reduction was compensated for by the formation of deep water in the zone of extended winter sea-ice coverage at the northern rim of the Weddell Sea, where air-sea gas exchange was reduced. This shift from LGM deep-water formation in the region south of the ACC to Holocene bottom water formation in the southwestern Weddell Sea, can explain lower preformed d13CDIC values of glacial circumantarctic deep water of approximately 0.3 per mil to 0.4 per mil. Our reconstruction brings Atlantic and Southern Ocean d13C and Cd/Ca data into better agreement, but is in conflict, however, with a scenario of an essentially unchanged thermohaline deep circulation on a global scale. Benthic delta18O-derived LGM bottom water temperatures, by 1.9°C and 0.3°C lower than during the LH at deepest southern and shallowest northern sites, respectively, agree with the here proposed reconstruction of deep-water circulation in the eastern South Atlantic Ocean.

Three Essays on the Economics of International Migration [electronic resource].

requirements for Filipino performing artists, effectively closing this migration channel. I employ a difference-in-differences estimation strategy using the share of performing artists at baseline in each Philippine province as a continuous policy variable. International migration falls in response to the policy change by 1.2%. The effect on international migration is larger than the policy change itself would suggest, indicating the importance of spillovers across migrant occupations. Domestically, more children are employed, and adults are more likely to be unemployed or engaged in short-term work.

Proceedings of the Nob Mountain meeting, held in Columbia County, Pa., on the last three days of August, 1865 : Pub. by subscription.

Mode of access: Internet.

The trials of James, Duncan and Robert M'Gregor, three sons of the celebrated Rob Roy, before the High court of justiciary, in the years 1752, 1753, and 1754. To which is prefixed a memoir relating to the Highlands, with anecdotes of Rob Roy and his family.

Trials for the abduction of Jean Key Wright.

The Autism Program : your Illinois resource : The Autism Program : three years of system development /

Responding to Public Act 93-0395 of the Illinois State Legislature, The Autism Program (TAP) was established in May of 2002 via an amendment to The Hope School Agreement with the Department of Human Services (DHS). The new program was located at three Regional Centers, including Northern Illinois (Partnership between the University of Chicago and Ada S. McKinley Community Services), Central Illinois (Partnership between The Hope School and SIU-School of Medicine), and Southern Illinois (Partnership between Family Counseling Center and SIU-C Rehabilitation Institute). The Autism Program's intent was to provide a system development initiative to document service gaps and systemic problems identified by parents and professionals at each Regional Center. More specifically, the program was designed to 1) develop and demonstrate best practices standards; 2) provide training for educators and medical professionals; 3) give support to parents and other caregivers; 4) work with universities and agencies to identify unmet needs and resources; 5) encourage and support research.