972 resultados para Juridical ideology


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Liberalism as an identity and as a political ideology was non-existent in Portugal, as in most of the countries of Ibero-America, before the beginning of the nineteenth century. But the semantic development of the term ‘liberal’ in Portuguese underwent a clear and rapid mutation in the following decades. It became associated with specific meanings in relation to constitutional issues and civil law matters. While the former prevailed between 1820 and 1823, the latter were dominant in the writings of Mouzinho da Silveira and his Civil War legislation of 1832 to 1834.

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A criação do Centro Republicano Federal de Ponta Delgada em 1880 inscreve-se nos projectos republicanos federalistas e insere-se no quadro do seu movimento expansionista. Com a publicação do periódico A Republica Federal vinculado ao republicanismo português, o Centro instituiu o seu órgão de imprensa e principal elemento propagandístico. As suas páginas foram portadoras das novas concepções políticas e o elemento impulsionador das novas ideologias propagadas por Teófilo Braga, candidato a deputado e figura titular deste Centro. A sua leitura mostra-nos o percurso e o posicionamento político-ideológico dos republicanos micaelenses, particularmente em Ponta Delgada. Enquanto espaço público politizado, A Republica Federal foi o principal palco dos debates e disputas partidárias na luta contra as instituições monárquicas e no combate pela destituição dos poderes há muito implantados. Apresenta-nos um trajecto de contestação à centralização do poder, à oposição e resistência com que se depararam os republicanos na tentativa de por fim aos privilégios e práticas de corrupção que permitiam um controle pernicioso dos processos eleitorais, abalando inevitavelmente o conservadorismo das elites locais com costumes e preconceitos difíceis de alterar. Foi no Centro Republicano Federal de Ponta Delgada e no seu jornal que convergiram os projectos de descentralização administrativa, foram eles os promotores e foco disseminador do ideário republicano federal, aglutinando as aspirações dos republicanos que pretendem instalar-se como sistema alternativo.

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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2013

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In considering contemporary accounts of the interrelations of economic, legal and urban forms of social relations in the emergence of a global capitalist modernity, this paper argues that politico-juridical imaginaries of new forms of transnational universality have tended to be limited by virtue of both an anachronistic recourse to spatial models of the polis and a failure to confront the ineliminability of abstraction to any idea of global social interconnectivity. In such terms, it argues, Lefebvre’s famous call for a ‘right to the city’ needs to be reinscribed as a properly modern right to the metropolis; one that would allow us to conceive of the possibility of new kinds of relation between individual and collective subjectivity and the development of abstract social forms.

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In this paper I outline possibilities for, and issues arising from, opposition towards the dominant ideologies and practices of marketing knowledge (Hirschman 1993) through an engagement with feminist epistemology (Longino 1991, Harding 1987). Feminist epistemology is a political branch of naturalised epistemology (Quine 1969) primarily concerned with critique of constructions of gender, gender norms and gendered interests within the production of knowledge (Anderson 1995) and with theorising, grounding and legitimating feminist knowledge making practices (Harding 1987). It is most often associated with the feminist critique of science, and with feminist science and technology studies (Haraway 1987, Wajman 1997). Feminist epistemology asks the question, ‘what is the nature of the feminist critical project as a way of knowing?’ (McLennan 1995:392). This paper outlines the basis of the feminist critique of knowledge generally, and as applied to marketing knowledge, offers description of the three main epistemological approaches to this question and suggestions for their application in practice. The paper progresses important work by consumer behaviour theorists (Bristor and Fischer 1993, Hirschman 1993) on the potentials of feminist ways of knowing for marketing and consumer behaviour by moving beyond the tripartite of feminist approaches outlined, and extending the discussion to take into account the development of situated knowledges theory (Haraway 1989, 1997), which has become so important in the decade since these papers were written. It joins ongoing conversations in consumer behaviour and marketing that share similar feminist concerns (Catterall et al 1997, 2000, 2005, Bettany and Woodruffe Burton 1999, 2005, and Hogg et al 1999, 2000) but in this contribution it takes a slightly tangential approach, seeing marketing knowledge in terms of its epistemic culture by using a model of masculinity in academic cultures from feminist theory (Wagner 1994) to help conceptualise it as such. The dominant masculine ideology of marketing knowledge both in execution (Penaloza 1994, Bristor and Fischer 1994, Fischer and Bristor 1993, Woodruffe 1996), and values (Hirschman 1993, Brown 2000, Desmond 1997) has been well documented over the past fifteen years. However, although the basis of this, how is it manifested and how a feminist informed marketing knowledge could be achieved, have been addressed somewhat in the literature (Bristor and Fischer 1993, Hogg, Bettany and Long 2000) an updated rendering is necessary which focuses specifically on epistemology and situates this discussion within a cultural framework. To do this I use the notions of cultural masculinity in academic disciplines developed by Wagner (1994) of ‘organisational egocentrism’, ‘fake collectivity’ and ‘de realisation’. With these, I raise important and specific issues around the notion of the masculinity of marketing knowledge, and then present an outline of feminist epistemologies to illustrate how different feminist approaches to knowledge would address these concerns.

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This article considers the idea of the ‘Big Society’ as part of a long-standing debate about the regulation of housing. Situating the concept within governance theory, the article considers how the idea of the Big Society was used by the UK coalition government to justify a radical restructuring of welfare provision. The fundamental rationale for this transformation was that the UK was forced to respond to a conjunction of crises in morality, the state, ideology and economics. Representing a fundamental departure from earlier attempts at welfare reform, the government has undertaken a reform programme which has had a severe effect on the social housing sector. The article argues that the result has been a combination of libertarianism and authoritarianism, alongside an intentionally more destructive combination of stigmatization and fatalism. The consequence is to undermine the principle of social housing which will not only prove detrimental for residents but raises significant dilemmas for those working in the housing sector.

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The task of this work is to apply thoughts from Georg Lukács’ final book, the Ontology of Social Being, for the theoretical analysis of cultural and digital labour. It discusses Lukács’ concepts of work and communication and relates them to the analysis of cultural and digital work. It also analyses his conception of the relation of labour and ideology and points out how we can make use of it for critically understanding social media ideologies. Lukács opposes the dualist separation of the realms of work and ideas. He introduces in this context the notion of teleological positing that allows us to better understand cultural and digital labour as well as associated ideologies, such as the engaging/connecting/sharing-ideology, today. The analysis shows that Lukács’ Ontology is in the age of Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter still a very relevant book, although it has thus far not received the attention that it deserves. This article also introduces the Ontology’s main ideas on work and culture, which is important because large parts of the book have not been translated from the German original into English. Lukács’ notion of teleological positing is crucial for understanding the common features of the economy and culture.

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The Conservative Party has in the 2015 British general elections won an absolute majority under David Cameron’s leadership. Cameron’s rule signifies an important phase in British politics in the 21st century. This paper asks the question: What is Cameronism? Cameron argues that Margaret Thatcher “was a big influence” for him. It is therefore appropriate to study the relationship between Thatcherism and Cameronism. The article revisits theories of Thatcherism and understands it as a unity of ideology and policies that is organised along three dimensions: the economy, politics, and culture. An ideology critique study of key speeches, interviews and documents analyses these three dimensions of Cameronism. A comparison of Cameronism and Thatcherism shows that questions of national identity, the European Union and immigration form a key ideological and political dimension of Cameronism.

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In this paper we argue that Niccolò Machiavelli has little to do with Realism in International Relations theory. By concentrating, as Machaivelli did, on the walls that define political relations—both inside and outside the polity—we find his insights deeply rooted in the specific political contexts of Sixteenth century Italy. Others may wish to generalize from them, but Machiavelli did not. In fact, as we show, Machiavelli was mindful of the difficulties of generalizing about walls and acknowledged the dangers political actors faced in navigating between the internal and external walls of the polity. We examine the geopolitical contours of Machiavelli’s walls and seek to demonstrate how morality is present in these historical spaces. In contrast to Realists, Machiavelli was ready and willing to make ethical judgments. We argue that theorists of international politics should exercise care in reaching for Machiavelli as the iconic thinker for making sense of anarchy in world politics. This article concludes by suggesting that the ideology of Machiavellianism has obscured deeper understanding of the particular contexts of Machiavelli’s own world.

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INTRODUCTION The popular Hong Kong comedy, The Greatest Lover, re-incarnates one of the most popular western musicals, My Fair Lady. OBJECTIVES 1. To find out in what major ways My Fair Lady was rewritten as the Hong Kong Cantonese movie, Gungzi Docing (The Greatest Lover). 2. To find out the socio-political, socio-linguistic, and gender ideology behind the rewriting. METHODOLOGY 1. To note the similarity of the themes for both works – a creator falling in love with his/her creation, and class prejudice and cross-class romance. 2. To note how the times of The Greatest Lover differ from that of My Fair Lady. 3. To note how the main characters in The Greatest Lover differ from My Fair Lady in terms of profession, gender, etc. 4. To note how the plot of The Greatest Lover differs from that of My Fair Lady. 5. To note how focus on language in The Greatest Lover compares with that in My Fair Lady. 6. To discuss the ideological implications of the differences noted above, e.g. women in Hong Kong today have much higher status than women in Victorian England; the conflict between local Hong Kong people and both legal and illegal immigrants from Mainland China is even more serious than that between the British upper middle class and the lower class during the Victorian period. 7. Andre Lefevere (1992) argues that translation and adaptation are rewriting informed and influenced by the rewriter’s ideology, among other things. 8. Both Aline Remael (1995) and Patrick Cattrysse (1992) think that film adaptation is a kind of translation. 9. Sirkkus Aaltonen (2000) argues that drama translation mirrors the ideologies of the target society. CONCLUSION 1. The Greatest Lover projects local cultural significance onto My Fair Lady by helping us to appreciate an important Western work of art through the Hong Kong Cantonese perspective. 2. Broader issues in translation and intercultural studies are also considered.

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A CIF é uma ferramenta universal desenvolvida pela OMS que permite a classificação de funcionalidade e incapacidade, através de uma visualização global do que condiciona o desempenho do indivíduo na concretização de atividades e na participação em ocupações. A ideologia da CIF e os seus componentes interrelacionam-se com a essência da TO, indo ao encontro dos modelos da profissão. As UCCI constituem uma atualidade em Portugal e o terapeuta ocupacional é um dos profissionais obrigatórios na equipa multidisciplinar destas unidades. Atendendo à relevância internacional da CIF, à sua ligação com a TO e à necessidade de tornar a CIF operacional na prática clínica diária dado que é uma ferramenta complexa e extensa, é objetivo deste estudo contribuir para a construção de um code set da CIF para terapeutas ocupacionais que exercem funções em UCCI, especificamente em UC, UMDR e ULDM. Para a concretização desta investigação, utilizou-se a técnica de Delphi, que envolveu duas rondas. Na primeira ronda foi possível contar com a participação de 37 terapeutas ocupacionais experientes na área, uma vez que exercem funções em UCCI, e na segunda ronda contou-se com a participação de 20 elementos. Obtiveram consenso na última ronda de Delphi um total de 96 categorias, constituindo esta listagem uma proposta de code set para UCCI. No que se refere às tipologias de unidades, 69 categorias obtiveram consenso em UC, 91 em UMDR e 41 em ULDM. Concluiu-se que a criação de code sets poderá constituir uma mais-valia em contexto de equipa multidisciplinar das UCCI, sendo uma forma de tornar a CIF operacional na prática clínica diária.

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Plácido Castro‘s work has aroused our interest, because it evolves around the question of Galician personality and identity. While working as a journalist and a translator or while writing essays on different literary issues, Plácido Castro has never forgotten his roots or his nation. One could even say that his whole life turns around Galicia. Our purpose is to make a critical analysis of his work, especially as a translator, and try to show how he used translation in order to develop national conscience and identity and to see how far his ideology interfered in the interpretation and translation of Rossetti‘s poetry, in which he found a great similarity with Rosalìa de Castro‘s work.

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O presente trabalho procura, de forma sucinta, descrever o processo de confronto da nação alemã com o seu passado nacional-socialista, um processo que se tem vindo a desenrolar num âmbito político, jurídico e social desde há mais de seis décadas. Pretende-se ainda argumentar que o período em que a Alemanha viveu sob o domínio nazi, elemento incontornável da própria narrativa nacional, tem sido amplamente representado quer na literatura, quer no cinema, tanto por sujeitos da chamada primeira geração, como também pelas gerações que nasceram após 1945, indivíduos cuja influência do passado familiar e/ou interesse pela memória histórica do país constituem a matriz das suas obras.

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Trabalho Final de Mestrado para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Engenharia Mecânica

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Dissertação apresentada à Escola Superior de Comunicação Social como parte dos requisitos para obtenção de grau de mestre em Jornalismo.