902 resultados para Imaginary societies


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No resulta fácil escribir sobre el lenguaje del mecenazgo en las sociedades islámicas, dado que en el árabe y el persa medievales no existe un término preciso para describirlo. A través de los siglos y en contextos diferentes se utilizan diversos términos para designar tal rea lidad. En ocasiones unas simples palabras bastaban para expresar relaciones de jerarquía, ascenso social o conocimiento entre las personas, mientras que otras veces se requería de un auténtico caudal lingüístico por el que se narraban, calibraban y enjuiciaban dichas relaciones. El uso de dichas palabras, así como su significado, estaba también definido espacial y socialmente. Este estudio pretende ofrecer una descripción de los problemas básicos a los que nos enfrentamos, ilustrándolos mediantes ejemplos procedentes de la medicina, la astrología y en ocasiones de la filosofía y la teología

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What drove the transition from small-scale human societies centred on kinship and personal exchange, to large-scale societies comprising cooperation and division of labour among untold numbers of unrelated individuals? We propose that the unique human capacity to negotiate institutional rules that coordinate social actions was a key driver of this transition. By creating institutions, humans have been able to move from the default ‘Hobbesian’ rules of the ‘game of life’, determined by physical/environmental constraints, into self-created rules of social organization where cooperation can be individually advantageous even in large groups of unrelated individuals. Examples include rules of food sharing in hunter–gatherers, rules for the usage of irrigation systems in agriculturalists, property rights and systems for sharing reputation between mediaeval traders. Successful institutions create rules of interaction that are self-enforcing, providing direct benefits both to individuals that follow them, and to individuals that sanction rule breakers. Forming institutions requires shared intentionality, language and other cognitive abilities largely absent in other primates. We explain how cooperative breeding likely selected for these abilities early in the Homo lineage. This allowed anatomically modern humans to create institutions that transformed the self-reliance of our primate ancestors into the division of labour of large-scale human social organization.

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Facing the exigencies of Emancipation, a South in ruins, and ongoing violence, between 1862 and 1872 the United States Congress debated the role education would play in the postbellum polity. Positing schooling as a panacea for the nation’s problems, a determiner of individual worth, and a way of ameliorating state and federal tensions, congressional leaders envisioned education as a way of reshaping American political life. In pursuit of this vision, many policymakers advocated national school agencies and assertive interventions into state educational systems. Interrogating the meaning of “education” for congressional leaders, this study examines the role of this ambiguous concept in negotiating the contradictions of federal and state identity, projecting visions of social change, evaluating civic preparedness, and enabling broader debates over the nation’s future. Examining legislative debates over the Reconstruction Acts, Freedmen’s Bureau, Bureau of Education, and two bills for national education reform in the early 1870s, this project examines how disparate educational visions of Republicans and Democrats collided and mutated amid the vicissitudes of public policy argument. Engaging rhetorical concepts of temporality, disposition, and political judgment, it examines the allure and limitations of education policy rhetoric, and how this rhetoric shifted amid the difficult process of coming to policy agreements in a tumultuous era. In a broader historical sense, this project considers the role of Reconstruction Era congressional rhetoric in shaping the long-term development of contemporary Americans’ “educational imaginary,” the tacit, often unarticulated assumptions about schooling that inflect how contemporary Americans engage in political life, civic judgment, and social reform. Treating the analysis of public policy debate as a way to gain insights into transitions in American political life, the study considers how Reconstruction Era debate converged upon certain common agreements, and obfuscated significant fault lines, that persist in contemporary arguments.

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The paper presents a historiographic context helpful in the current investigations of the cultural contacts between the societies of the east and west of Europe in the borderland of Podolia and moldova in the late Eneolithic and the prologue of the Bronze age . The focus is on the state of research (chiefly taxonomic and topogenetic) into the sequence of taxa in the age of early ‘barrow-building’, identified in the funerary rituals of societies settling the forest-steppe of the north- western Black Sea Coast in the 4th/3rd-2nd millennium BC .

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The paper discusses the taxonomy and autogenesis of the cycle of early ‘barrow cultures’ developed by the local communities of the middle Dniester Area or, in a broader comparative context, the north-western Black Sea Coast, in the 4th/3rd-2nd millennium BC . The purpose of the study is to conduct an analytical and conceptual entry point to the research questions of the dniester Contact area, specifically the contacts between autochthonous ‘late Eneolithic’ communities (Yamnaya, Catacomb and Babyno cultures) and incoming communities from the Baltic basin . The discussion of these cultures continues in other papers presented in this volume of Baltic-Pontic Studies.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Comunicação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Comunicação, 2016.

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Nervous Kitchens intervenes in the story of soul food by treating the kitchen as a central site of instability. These kitchens reveal and critique their importance to constructions of Black womanhood. Utilizing close readings of Black women’s culinary practices in popular televisual kitchens and archival analysis of USDA domestic reforms, the project locates sites that challenge how we oversimplify soul food as a Black cultural product. These oversimplifications come through what I term the soul food imaginary. This term underscores how the cuisine is tangible (i.e., how dishes are made) but also the ways that histories of enslavement, migration, and domesticity are disseminated through fictionalized representations of Black women in the kitchen offering comfort through food. The project explores how images of these kitchens adhere to and diverge from the imaginary's four conventions: (1) Soul food originates in enslavement where master’s scraps became mama’s meal time; (2) Soul food is not healthy food; (3) Soul food moves South to North uninterrupted during the Great Migration and is evidence of and fuel for struggle, survival, and transformation; and 4) Black women cook it the best, naturally, and alone in the kitchen.

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Cloth map.

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Accompanied by text of Guide to the map of fairyland. Designed & written by Bernard Sleigh. London, Sidgwick & Jackson, [1920?] 16 pages : text, illustrations ; 19 cm.

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Ce mémoire porte sur le rôle des cercles abolitionnistes dans l’application des lois sur l’émancipation graduelle de l’esclavage dans le nord des États-Unis vers la fin du dix-huitième siècle, principalement à New York et en Pennsylvanie. Plus particulièrement, il met en lumière la façon dont ces cercles, dont les deux plus importants étaient la Pennsylvania Abolition So-ciety (PAS) et le New­York Manumission Society (NYMS), ont fait face aux centaines de réfugiés de Saint-Domingue qui sont arrivés avec leurs esclaves sur la côte est américaine pour fuir la révolution haïtienne dans les années 1790. Dans un premier temps, ce mémoire étudie l’abolition graduelle de l’esclavage dans le nord des États-Unis, débutant avec la Pennsylvanie en 1780, et la formation des cercles abolitionnistes dans les anciennes colonies anglaises. Il sera en outre question des stratégies des antiesclavagistes américains afin de promouvoir l’abolition graduelle de l’esclavage et d’empêcher le mouvement des esclaves et des noirs libres en dehors des frontières de leurs États respectifs. Il sera aussi question de leurs efforts pour resserrer davantage les clauses des lois existantes à ce sujet. Dans un second temps, dans le but de mettre en relief la contribution des cercles abolitionnistes, ce mémoire procède à une étude de cas sur la manière dont les réfugiés de Saint-Domingue ont interagi avec l’esclavage résiduel à New York et en Pennsylvanie et cherche à comprendre pourquoi leurs tentatives d’échapper aux lois sur l’émancipation graduelle se sont heurtées, à plusieurs reprises, aux stratégies des sociétés antiesclavagistes.

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Ce mémoire porte sur le rôle des cercles abolitionnistes dans l’application des lois sur l’émancipation graduelle de l’esclavage dans le nord des États-Unis vers la fin du dix-huitième siècle, principalement à New York et en Pennsylvanie. Plus particulièrement, il met en lumière la façon dont ces cercles, dont les deux plus importants étaient la Pennsylvania Abolition So-ciety (PAS) et le New­York Manumission Society (NYMS), ont fait face aux centaines de réfugiés de Saint-Domingue qui sont arrivés avec leurs esclaves sur la côte est américaine pour fuir la révolution haïtienne dans les années 1790. Dans un premier temps, ce mémoire étudie l’abolition graduelle de l’esclavage dans le nord des États-Unis, débutant avec la Pennsylvanie en 1780, et la formation des cercles abolitionnistes dans les anciennes colonies anglaises. Il sera en outre question des stratégies des antiesclavagistes américains afin de promouvoir l’abolition graduelle de l’esclavage et d’empêcher le mouvement des esclaves et des noirs libres en dehors des frontières de leurs États respectifs. Il sera aussi question de leurs efforts pour resserrer davantage les clauses des lois existantes à ce sujet. Dans un second temps, dans le but de mettre en relief la contribution des cercles abolitionnistes, ce mémoire procède à une étude de cas sur la manière dont les réfugiés de Saint-Domingue ont interagi avec l’esclavage résiduel à New York et en Pennsylvanie et cherche à comprendre pourquoi leurs tentatives d’échapper aux lois sur l’émancipation graduelle se sont heurtées, à plusieurs reprises, aux stratégies des sociétés antiesclavagistes.

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The evolution of knowledge and technology in recent decades has brought profound changes in science policy, not only in the countries but also in the supranational organizations. It has been necessary, therefore, to adapt the scientific institutions to new models in order to achieve a greater and better communication between them and the political counterparts responsible for defining the general framework of relations between science and society. The Federationon of Scientific Societies of Spain (COSCE, Confederación de Sociedades Científicas de España) was founded in October 2003 to respond to the urgent need to interact with the political institutions and foster a better orientation in the process of making decisions about the science policy. Currently COSCE consists of over 70 Spanish scientific societies and more than 40,000 scientists. During its twelve years of active life, COSCE has developed an intense work of awareness of the real situation of science in Spain by launching several initiatives (some of which have joined other organizations) or by joining initiatives proposed from other groups related to science both at the Spanish level and at the European and non-European scenarios.