942 resultados para General and regulatory administrative act


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Childhood overweight and obesity are two major public health problems that are of economic and medical concern in the world today (Lobstein, Baur, & Uauy, 2004). Overweight conditions in childhood are important because they are widely prevalent, serious, and carry lifetime consequences for health and well being (Lobstein et al., 2004). Several studies have shown an association between television viewing and obesity in all age groups (Caroli, Argentieri, Cardone, & Masi, 2004; Harper, 2006; Vandewater & Huang, 2006; Wiecha et al., 2006). One mechanism that potentially links television viewing to childhood obesity is food advertising (Story, 2003). ^ The purpose of this study was to examine the types of foods advertised on children's television programming and to determine if there have been any changes in the number and types of commercials over the last 13 years. In addition, the food content of the advertisements was compared to the 2005 Dietary Guidelines to determine if the foods targeted were consistent with the current recommendations. Finally, each television network was analyzed individually to determine any differences between advertising on cable and regular programming. ^ A descriptive analysis was conducted on the most commonly advertised commercials during children's television programming on Saturday morning from 7 a.m. to 10:30 a.m. A total of 10 major television networks were viewed on three different Saturday mornings during June and July 2007. Commercial advertising accounted for approximately 19% of children's total viewing time. Of the 3,185 commercials, 28.5% were for foods, 67.7% were for non-food items, and 3.8% were PSAs. On average, there were 30 commercial advertisements and PSAs per hour, of which approximately nine were for food. ^ Of the 907 food advertisements, 72.0% were for foods classified in the fats, oils, and sugar group. The next largest group (17.3%) was for restaurant food of which 15.3% were for unhealthy/fast food restaurant fare. The most frequently advertised food product on Saturday morning television was regular cereal, accounting for 43.9% of all food advertisements. ^ Cable and regular programming stations varied slightly in the amount, length, and category of commercials. Cable television had about 50% less commercials and PSAs (1098) than regular programming (2087), but only had approximately 150 minutes less total commercial and PSA time; therefore, cable, in general, had longer commercials than regular programming. Overall, cable programming had more advertisements encouraging increased physical activity and positive nutrition behavior with less commercials focusing on the fats, oils, and sugar groups, compared to regular programming. ^ During the last 13 years, food advertisements have not improved, despite the recent IOM report on marketing foods to children (Institute of Medicine-Committee on Food Marketing and the Diets of Children and Youth, 2005), although the frequency of food advertisements has improved slightly. Children are now viewing an average of one food advertisement every 7 minutes, compared to one food advertisement every 5 minutes in 1994 (Kotz & Story, 1994). Therefore, manufacturers are putting a greater emphasis on advertising other products to children. Despite the recent attention to the issue of marketing unhealthy foods to children through television advertisements, not much progress has been noted since 1994. Further advocacy and regulatory issues concerning the content of advertisements during Saturday morning TV need to be explored. ^

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Hypermethylated in cancer (HIC-1), a new candidate tumor suppressor gene located in 17p13.3, encodes a protein with five C2H2 zinc fingers and an N-terminal broad complex, tramtrack, and bric à brac/poxviruses and zinc-finger (BTB/POZ) domain found in actin binding proteins or transcriptional regulators involved in chromatin modeling. In the human B cell lymphoma (BCL-6) and promyelocityc leukemia (PLZF) oncoproteins, this domain mediates transcriptional repression through its ability to recruit a silencing mediator of retinoid and thyroid hormone receptor (SMRT)/nuclear receptor corepressor (N-CoR)-mSin3A-histone deacetylase (HDAC) complex, a mechanism shared with numerous transcription factors. HIC-1 appears unique because it contains a 13-aa insertion acquired late in evolution, because it is not found in its avian homologue, γF1-binding protein isoform B (γFBP-B), a transcriptional repressor of the γF-crystallin gene. This insertion, located in a conserved region involved in the dimerization and scaffolding of the BTB/POZ domain, mainly affects slightly the ability of the HIC-1 and γFBP-B BTB/POZ domains to homo- and heterodimerize in vivo, as shown by mammalian two-hybrid experiments. Both the HIC-1 and γFBP-B BTB/POZ domains behave as autonomous transcriptional repression domains. However, in striking contrast with BCL-6 and PLZF, both HIC-1 and γFBP-B similarly fail to interact with members of the HDAC complexes (SMRT/N-CoR, mSin3A or HDAC-1) in vivo and in vitro. In addition, a general and specific inhibitor of HDACs, trichostatin A, did not alleviate the HIC-1- and γFBP-B-mediated transcriptional repression, as previously shown for BCL-6. Taken together, our studies show that the recruitment onto target promoters of an HDAC complex is not a general property of transcriptional repressors containing a conserved BTB/POZ domain.

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The function of the small-Mr Ras-like GTPase Rap1 remains largely unknown, but this protein has been demonstrated to regulate cortical actin-based morphologic changes in Dictyostelium and the oxidative burst in mammalian neutrophils. To test whether Rap1 regulates phagocytosis, we biochemically analyzed cell lines that conditionally and modestly overexpressed wild-type [Rap1 WT(+)], constitutively active [Rap1 G12T(+)], and dominant negative [Rap1 S17N(+)] forms of D. discoideum Rap1. The rates of phagocytosis of bacteria and latex beads were significantly higher in Rap1 WT(+) and Rap1 G12T(+) cells and were reduced in Rap1 S17N(+) cells. The addition of inhibitors of protein kinase A, protein kinase G, protein tyrosine kinase, or phosphatidylinositide 3-kinase did not affect phagocytosis rates in wild-type cells. In contrast, the addition of U73122 (a phospholipase C inhibitor), calphostin C (a protein kinase C inhibitor), and BAPTA-AM (an intracellular Ca2+ chelator) reduced phagocytosis rates by 90, 50, and 65%, respectively, suggesting both arms of the phospholipase C signaling pathways played a role in this process. Other protein kinase C–specific inhibitors, such as chelerythrine and bisindolylmaleimide I, did not reduce phagocytosis rates in control cells, suggesting calphostin C was affecting phagocytosis by interfering with a protein containing a diacylglycerol-binding domain. The addition of calphostin C did not reduce phagocytosis rates in Rap1 G12T(+) cells, suggesting that the putative diacylglycerol-binding protein acted upstream in a signaling pathway with Rap1. Surprisingly, macropinocytosis was significantly reduced in Rap1 WT(+) and Rap1 G12T(+) cells compared with control cells. Together our results suggest that Rap1 and Ca2+ may act together to coordinate important early events regulating phagocytosis.

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RNA polymerase I (Pol I) transcription in the yeast Saccharomyces cerevisiae is greatly stimulated in vivo and in vitro by the multiprotein complex, upstream activation factor (UAF). UAF binds tightly to the upstream element of the rDNA promoter, such that once bound (in vitro), UAF does not readily exchange onto a competing template. Of the polypeptides previously identified in purified UAF, three are encoded by genes required for Pol I transcription in vivo: RRN5, RRN9, and RRN10. Two others, p30 and p18, have remained uncharacterized. We report here that the N-terminal amino acid sequence, its mobility in gel electrophoresis, and the immunoreactivity of p18 shows that it is histone H3. In addition, histone H4 was found in UAF, and myc-tagged histone H4 could be used to affinity-purify UAF. Histones H2A and H2B were not detectable in UAF. These results suggest that histones H3 and H4 probably account for the strong binding of UAF to DNA and may offer a means by which general nuclear regulatory signals could be transmitted to Pol I.

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The main contribution to the radiological impact from natural radiation received by general population is due to the emission of radon (222Rn). The objective of this project is the study of radon gas as a radioactive element in our buildings (existing and future constructions) to avoid its influence in interior rooms. The proposed methodology reflects different aspects of natural radioactivity in buildings, their sources, their control criteria and regulatory framework; aspects related to the presence of radon in our constructions, entryways, measurement methodology for indoor environmental concentration are studied; other protection solutions and remediation measures in both existing buildings and new construction projects are analyzed. In conclusion, the paper presents previous evaluation tools, the analysis of existing concentration and the choice of the most appropriate mitigation / remediation measures depending on each case, through the establishment of different architectural proposals to plan actions against radon where necessary.

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For many years the European Union has been improving the efficient use of energy resources and yet the demand for energy in the EU continues to increase. When Europe belonged to one of the world’s key energy markets with relatively easy access to energy resources, growing energy needs were not seen as a source of concern. Today, however, as the competition for energy resources is intensifying and the global position of the EU energy market is being challenged by growing economies in the developing countries, above all China and India, the EU needs to adopt bold policies to guarantee the sustainable supply of energy. This report argues the EU needs to develop a fully-fledged external energy policy; i.e. a common, coherent, strategic approach that build bridges between the interests and needs of the EU integrated energy market on the one hand and supplier countries on the other. The EU’s external energy policy has two main objectives. The first one is to ensure a sustainable, stable and cost-effective energy supply. The second is to promote energy market integration and regulatory convergence with neighbouring countries (often but not always this supports the achievement of the first objective). However, in order to improve its effectiveness, the EU’s external energy policy needs to be seen in a broader economic and political context. Any progress in energy cooperation with third countries is contingent upon the EU’s general stance and offer to those countries.

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European integration is a project of great economic importance for the 500 million consumers and 21 million companies in Europe. With the economic borders between Member States removed, Europeanisation becomes inevitable for companies. The paper proposes a framework to analyse the benefits and disadvantages for business that come with the process of European integration, structured according to the logic of the four fundamental freedoms of movement within the Internal Market (freedom of movement of goods, services, capital and people) complemented by the section on technology and innovation, and the general EU regulatory environment. Whereas the business decisions need to be taken on a case-by-case basis, taking into consideration firm’s own capabilities and resources as well as industry specificities, several recommendations for companies willing to Europeanise are made, based on an analysis of the regulatory macro-environment of the EU. Above all, any company willing to be successful in the EU has to become a learning organisation, responsive to the advancements of the macro-environment. The ability to anticipate the regulatory developments and to adjust one’s own business and corporate strategy accordingly is the key to achieving sustainable competitive advantage in the European Union.

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This study takes on the issue of political and socio-economic conditions for the hydrogen economy as part of a future low carbon society in Europe. It is subdivided into two parts. A first part reviews the current EU policy framework in view of its impact on hydrogen and fuel cell development. In the second part an analysis of the regional dynamics and possible hydrogen and fuel cell clusters is carried out. The current EU policy framework does not hinder hydrogen development. Yet it does not constitute a strong push factor either. EU energy policies have the strongest impact on hydrogen and fuel cell development even though their potential is still underexploited. Regulatory policies have a weak but positive impact on hydrogen. EU spending policies show some inconsistencies. Regions with a high activity level in HFC also are generally innovative regions. Moreover, the article points out certain industrial clusters that favours some regions' conditions for taking part in the HFC development. However, existing hydrogen infrastructure seems to play a minor role for region's engagement. An overall well-functioning regional innovation system is important in the formative phase of an HFC innovation system, but that further research is needed before qualified policy implications can be drawn. Looking ahead the current policy framework at EU level does not set clear long term signals and lacks incentives that are strong enough to facilitate high investment in and deployment of sustainable energy technologies. The likely overall effect thus seems to be too weak to enable the EU hydrogen and fuel cell deployment strategy. According to our analysis an enhanced EU policy framework pushing for sustainability in general and the development of hydrogen and fuel cells in particular requires the following: 1) A strong EU energy policy with credible long term targets; 2) better coordination of EU policies: Europe needs a common understanding of key taxation concepts (green taxation, internalisation of externalities) and a common approach for the market introduction of new energy technologies; 3) an EU cluster policy as an attempt to better coordinate and support of European regions in their efforts to further develop HFC and to set up the respective infrastructure.

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While the initial Commission Communication on Wider Europe (March 2003) did not include Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan in the forthcoming policy for the EU’s new neighbourhood, the Southern Caucasus region has now gained considerable attention in the framework of the ENP and beyond, not least because of security considerations. The ENP undoubtedly represents a step forward in the EU’s policy towards Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, yet its implementation highlights major differences between the three countries and important weaknesses in all three of them. The Eastern Partnership addresses some of these weaknesses and it also significantly strengthens the EU’s offer to South Caucasus countries, which is now fully in line with the perspectives proposed to the Western NIS. The paper highlights five main conclusions and recommendations: • Political, economic, social and diplomatic developments in the South Caucasus in the 2000's highlight both diverging trends and the persistence of tensions between the three countries. They also have different aspirations vis-à-vis the EU and different records in ENP implementation. The EU should therefore mainly rely upon an individual approach towards each country. • While bilateral relations should form the basis of the EU's approach, most of the challenges faced by Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan are not confined to national borders and require regional solutions. This applies primarily, but not exclusively, to the unresolved conflicts. The EU should promote targeted regional cooperation including, inter alia, confidence-building measures to address indirectly the protracted conflicts and measures supporting drivers of change, which play a critical role in the confidence-building process; • Under the ENP, especially since the opening of negotiations for association agreements and with the perspective of DCFTA, trade-related issues, market and regulatory reform have become prominent in the EU's relations with all three Caucasus countries. At the same time, the priorities identified when the ENP was launched, i.e. good governance and the rule of law, still correspond to major challenges in the South Caucasus. The EU should more clearly prioritise good governance and the rule of law as the basis of both the ENP and successful reforms; • In all partner countries (but even more so in the South Caucasus), ENP implementation has been adversely affected by poor administrative capacities and weak institutional coordination. The EU should increasingly focus on institutional reform/capacity building in its support to partner countries and ensure that the link between the ENP and domestic reform processes is strengthened; • In the South Caucasus the EU has recently concentrated on a few assistance tools such as budget support, Twinning and TAIEX. While these instruments undoubtedly bring an added value, they should be better combined with tools allowing for greater flexibility and targeting non-governmental actors, e.g. EIDHR/NSA.

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Regulatory cooperation is both one of the most ambitious and contentious parts of the EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations. In this paper, having identified the many levels of international regulatory cooperation, we show that TTIP regulatory cooperation will be significant, but not ambitious, while political and legal limits on cooperation in both the EU and the US minimise the concerns. For transatlantic regulatory cooperation to work, it must accept these political and legal constraints, build trust and confidence among counterpart regulators so they see that their transatlantic partner can help them do their work better, and provide tools to help regulators on both sides make informed decisions while retaining their regulatory autonomy and accountability to their politicians and citizens. A TTIP that provides these tools – and some more detailed instruments to that effect – will be more ambitious than previous trade agreements, and should, over the longer term, provide both the economic and regulatory benefits that the two sides envisage. The paper incorporates comparisons with the relevant chapters of recent FTAs the US and the EU have concluded, so as to clarify the approaches and degrees of ambition in this area. This comparison suggests that the TTIP regulatory cooperation will probably be more ambitious in terms of commitments and have a wider scope than any of these FTAs.

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European Union energy policy calls for nothing less than a profound transformation of the EU's energy system: by 2050 decarbonised electricity generation with 80-95% fewer greenhouse gas emissions, increased use of renewables, more energy efficiency, a functioning energy market and increased security of supply are to be achieved. Different EU policies (e.g., EU climate and energy package for 2020) are intended to create the political and regulatory framework for this transformation. The sectorial dynamics resulting from these EU policies already affect the systems of electricity generation, transportation and storage in Europe, and the more effective the implementation of new measures the more the structure of Europe's power system will change in the years to come. Recent initiatives such as the 2030 climate/energy package and the Energy Union are supposed to keep this dynamic up. Setting new EU targets, however, is not necessarily the same as meeting them. The impact of EU energy policy is likely to have considerable geo-economic implications for individual member states: with increasing market integration come new competitors; coal and gas power plants face new renewable challengers domestically and abroad; and diversification towards new suppliers will result in new trade routes, entry points and infrastructure. Where these implications are at odds with powerful national interests, any member state may point to Article 194, 2 of the Lisbon Treaty and argue that the EU's energy policy agenda interferes with its given right to determine the conditions for exploiting its energy resources, the choice between different energy sources and the general structure of its energy supply. The implementation of new policy initiatives therefore involves intense negotiations to conciliate contradicting interests, something that traditionally has been far from easy to achieve. In areas where this process runs into difficulties, the transfer of sovereignty to the European level is usually to be found amongst the suggested solutions. Pooling sovereignty on a new level, however, does not automatically result in a consensus, i.e., conciliate contradicting interests. Rather than focussing on the right level of decision making, European policy makers need to face the (inconvenient truth of) geo-economical frictions within the Union that make it difficult to come to an arrangement. The reminder of this text explains these latter, more structural and sector-related challenges for European energy policy in more detail, and develops some concrete steps towards a political and regulatory framework necessary to overcome them.

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Shipping list no.: 2012-0266-P (pt. 1A), 2012-0262-P (pt. 1B), 2012-0267-P (pt. 1C), 2012-0317-P (pt. 2), 2013-0006 (pt. 3), 2013-0008-P (pt. 4), 2013-0027-P (pt. 5), 2013-0033-P (pt. 6), 2013-0042-P (pt. 7), 2013-0038-P (pt. 9).

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Shipping list number: 2011-0276-P (pt. 1A), 2011-0274-P (pt. 1B), 2011-0283-P (pt. 1C), 2011-0318-P (pt. 2), 2011-0339-P (pt. 4), 2011-0366-P (pt. 5), 2011-0375-P (pt. 6), 2011-0367-P (pt. 7), 2011-0372-P (pt. 8), 2012-0014-P (pt. 9).

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Mode of access: Internet.