740 resultados para Evangelical Revival.


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Desde hace dos décadas se viene asistiendo a un renovado interés por el paisaje en distintas disciplinas e instituciones políticas y administrativas. Algunos autores lo interpretan desde una perspectiva neorromántica, como reacción a los efectos destructores de la modernidad. El Convenio Europeo del Paisaje (CEP) estableció en Florencia en el año 2000 una definición de paisaje ampliamente aceptada y unas pautas de intervención sobre el mismo que pretenden ser el marco para las leyes nacionales y regionales de los países firmantes. El presente trabajo se propone explicar la recuperación del interés por el paisaje desde la perspectiva de la valorización económica del territorio, como externalidad que permite generar rentas. En mi opinión esa es la verdadera orientación de la CEP.

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La Vita Christi de Isabel de Villena y La vida de la sacratíssima verge Maria de Miquel Peres son dos obras devocionales surgidas en la Valencia de finales del siglo XV, y caracterizadas ambas por su temática mariana. Sin embargo, nunca se han analizado conjuntamente para ver posibles dependencias o divergencias. Este trabajo expondrá por primera vez cómo, pese a la proximidad temática, cada autor ofrece un texto diferente para abordar el protagonismo de la Virgen en los hechos evangélicos.

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The small volume holds the notebook of Tristram Gilman interleaved on unlined pages in a printed engagement calendar. The original leather cover accompanies the notebook, but is no longer attached. The inside covers of the original leather binding are filled with scribbled words and notes. The volume holds a variety of handwritten notes including account information, transcriptions of biblical passages and related observations, travel information, community news, weather, and astronomy. The volumes does not follow a chronological order, and instead seems to have been repurposed at various times.

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"Compiled by Sayyid Ahmad from The light of prophecy, The wonders of heaven, The exposition of eschatology, The revival of religious sciences and from the Digest of Imam Ghazali" (colophon, f. 100r).

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The parliamentary elections to be held in Ukraine on 26 October will bring about deep changes in the political composition of the Verkhovna Rada, Ukraine’s parliament. It is very probable that after the elections only one or two of the five parties which are represented in the parliament today will remain, and the leading positions will be taken by groupings who were still considered marginal a year ago. The Petro Poroshenko Bloc, a party which according to polls can count on victory, did not exist a year ago and today still remains in the construction phase. It is likely that around two-thirds of the newly elected deputies will be people with no parliamentary or even no political experience. On the one hand, this may be a strong impetus to revival; but on the other the lack of experience of most of the parliamentarians may be a problem. Another source of potential problems may be the process of consolidating the internally unstable political parties which have emerged during the electoral campaign. All of the parties which will count in the upcoming elections have a pro-European programme. It is probable that the numerous supporters of an anti-Western orientation (although not necessarily a pro-Russian orientation, as recent events have shown) will be represented by very few deputies elected in single-mandate constituencies. On the one hand, this homogeneity within the Rada will facilitate the country’s reforms, including work on the new constitution, while on the other it might be a subject of permanent criticism by Moscow and its Ukrainian representatives. The elections will take place in the conditions of a growing wave of social disappointment and ongoing military actions in the eastern part of the country. Nevertheless, it can be expected that the vote will be held without any major disturbances, and its course will be transparent and fair.

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The nomination on 21 March of deputy prime minister Dmitri Rogozin to the newly created post of the Russian president’s special representative for Transnistria and to the post of co-chairman of the Russian-Moldovan intergovernmental committee demonstrates the Kremlin’s increased interest in Moldova, and may be a sign of a change in Russia’s strategy towards this country. Other developments which may suggest a revival of Russia’s policy towards Moldova include the appointment on 5 April of Farit Mukhametshin as Russia’s new ambassador in Chisinau. Mukhametshin is a high-ranking official who had previously headed the Federal Agency for the Commonwealth of Independent States, Compatriots Living Abroad and International Humanitarian Cooperation (Rossotrudnichestvo), which is one of the major instruments of Russia’s ‘soft power’ policy towards the post-Soviet states. The Kremlin’s growing interest in Moldova has further been confirmed by an unprecedented visit by Russia’s defence minister Anatoly Serdyukov to Transnistria on 12 April, and a two-day visit by Dmitri Rogozin to Chisinau and Tiraspol on 16–17 April.

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INTRODUCTION In the current times of multifaceted crisis, nationalism looks, more than ever, like a positive and necessary feeling. It seems both natural and indispensable if we are to have viable political and social institutions that meet the needs and preferences of all citizens. The following paper contests this vision. Its criticism of nationalism is directed not only at its national forms, but also at any defence of collective identity based on the same model, such as the various forms of European nationalism. Furthermore, the same overriding criticism can be made of different kinds of nationalism, regardless of their more or less open and progressive political content. In order to ground our argument theoretically and practically, we will try to show that nationalism is always potentially harmful to individual rights, and unnecessary for the maintenance of a just social and political system. We will thus oppose any acritical defence of the intrinsic value of a specific community and the belief in its artificial homogeneity. The historical construction of a supposedly homogeneous community, and the insistence on its values, which are perceived as superior and binding, facilitate the absorption of the individual into the collective. As we will explain further in more details, this holistic approach is typical of communitarian approaches. In that respect, it does not really matter whether they appeal to passion or to reason, to some irrational binding features of the community or to more rational political aspects of a common identity. The main problem in nationalism is not the emotion it can trigger, it is not even its reliance on particular values. What makes nationalism problematic is, firstly, that it tends to overlook the intrinsically divisive and contradictory nature of individual and collective interests in unjust societies; secondly, that it attributes an intrinsic superiority to a particular community over others; and thirdly, that it sees politics as a means to promote the interests, values or identity of that community. As an alternative, we will very briefly advocate a cosmopolitan approach that grounds political legitimacy in a demanding approach to individual freedom, rather than in a shared collective identity. However, even if only briefly, we will also carefully distinguish our own vision of cosmopolitanism from those commonly put forward. Frequently, cosmopolitan perspectives entangle their identity frameworks with concrete political projects, without clearly explaining how the latter derive from the former. Our approach to cosmopolitanism, on the other hand, is, first and foremost, a critical vision of all communitarian postulates according to which politics should be based on some form of collective identity. Thus, we insist on the conceptual distinction between a general stance on identity issues and the more practical political ideology one stands for. In a subsequent step, we link this cosmopolitan framework with a progressive approach to individual rights. Because of our demanding approach to individual freedom, our cosmopolitanism goes hand in hand with a revival of identity-free sovereignty. It is therefore distinct from the severe condemnation of sovereignty often found in most mainstream cosmopolitan positions. Finally, instead of the frequent confusion found in public discourses and in the literature between ideals and reality, our position acknowledges the deep gulf separating these two dimensions. It therefore sketches out very general strategic principles to bring normative ideals closer to political reality.

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Based on Hansjürgen Linke’s study about the history of the reception of religious and secular medieval plays in twentieth-century Germany, the paper examines the respective situation in Switzerland. It focusses on the Bruderklausenspiel (1929), written and staged by Oskar Eberle. The director and scholar Oskar Eberle, and the Schweizerische Gesellschaft für Theaterkultur (SGTK) were the most influential supporters of the reception of religious plays in twentieth-century Switzerland. While in Germany the revival of medieval theatre emphasized a Renaissance of a former national importance, in Switzerland, the situation was very different. The revival of religious plays had a certain confessional background, and the political idea was to strengthen national self-confidence, and to confirm the nation’s historical neutrality concerning foreign affairs.

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Based on extensive field work and years of personal experience, the authors discuss the development of tourism in the Great Himalaya of Nepal from the early days of mountaineering to present-day trekking. Tourism and its potentials, drawbacks, and risks are illustrated with a focus on the Khumbu/Everest and Annapurna regions, the most popular mountain destinations in the country. The themes addressed include: growth and expansion of mountain tourism; employment and income generation; wealth, poverty, and livelihood as reflected in statistics and personal accounts by local people; the revival of trade with Tibet; tourism and the role of women; the crucial role played by institutions, policies and political stability; and environmental issues such as forest degradation, garbage management, and trail damage. With its numerous illustrations, text boxes and quotes, the book is intended for a broad readership of policy- and decision-makers in tourism and development, scholars, and tourists and mountaineers who take an interest in mountain development in the Great Himalaya and elsewhere.

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Includes indexes.

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v. 1. Essay on the connexion between the doctrine of justification by the imputed righteousness of Christ, and holiness of life. The absolute necessity of salvation through Christ. The trial of religious truth by its moral influence. The charge of sedition and faction against good men, especially faithful ministers, considered and accounted for. Prayer for national prosperity and for the revival of religion inseparably connected -- v. 2. A serious enquiry into the nature and effects of the stage. Ecclesiastical characteristics -- v. 3. A practical treatise on regeneration.

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This book examines the rise and collapse of Mongol rule in Iran and Iraq, and its revival by a family of sultans who claimed to be the rightful heirs to the Mongol khans. The Jalayirids offers a glimpse at a long overlooked but critical period in the history of the Middle East in the late medieval period. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched.

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Publication suspended Mar. 1851-Apr. 1852; Jan. -June 1948.

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"Vivat Bacchus!" scene on p. 80 set in September, in Wetzlar.