Ocho dudas razonables sobre la necesidad del voto electrónico

En un momento en que se generaliza el uso de las diferentes soluciones de voto electrónico, parece razonable hacer balance sobre cuáles son los principales obstáculos que esta «última revolución electoral» debe superar. Antes, sin embargo, consideramos necesario discutir los principales malentendidos que se han creado en torno al voto electrónico, así como intentar aclarar cuáles son los motivos que se aducen para su implementación. A partir de aquí, se presentan ocho grandes dudas a las que todavía no se ha dado una respuesta satisfactoria en su conjunto, si bien una buena parte de estos aspectos han sido objeto de especial atención en algunas experiencias de voto electrónico.

Observatorio Barça 2010. La Campaña a la Presodencia del FC Barcelona en prensa deportiva y las redes sociales

El artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la cobertura que los principales periódicos deportivos catalanes (Sport, Mundo Deportivo, El 9 Esportiu y Gol) hicieron de la campaña a la presidencia del FC Barcelona (Barça) de junio de 2010 y que acabó ganando Sandro Rosell. La investigación compara esta cobertura con la información de campaña aparecida en las redes sociales Twitter y Facebook usadas por cada candidatura y analiza si el uso de estas nuevas herramientas 2.0 influyó en la visibilidad de los candidatos en la prensa tradicional.

Incumbency (dis)advantage when citizens can propose

This paper analyses the problem that an incumbent faces during the legislature when deciding how to react to citizen proposals such as the outcome of referenda or popular initiatives. We argue that these proposals constitute a potential source of electoral disadvantage when citizens factor in their evaluation of the incumbent his reaction to these proposals. This is because an incumbent politician may jeopardize his re-election by implementing policies close to his preferred ones but unpopular among the electorate. We characterize conditions under which this potential disadvantage becomes in fact an electoral advantage for the incumbent. We find that the choices of the incumbent during the legislature will be closest to citizens policy proposals when the intensity of electoral competition is neither too soft nor too tough. Finally, we use our results to discuss some implications of the use of mechanisms such as referenda and popular assemblies on electoral competition and on the incumbency advantage phenomenon.

Una revisió de l'espai polític i electoral català

Des de les primeres eleccions democràtiques s"han produït canvis significatius en el mapa polític de Catalunya, i s"ha constatat que l"espai sociopolític català no és un element immòbil. Aquesta evolució és analitzada pel professor Josep Maria Reniu a partir del Baròmetre del Centre d"Estudis d"Opinió de la Generalitat de Catalunya, de novembre de 2006.

Proportionality and Party Success in Europe

This thesis consists of four articles and an introductory section. The main research questions in all the articles are about proportionality and party success in Europe, at European, national or district levels. Proportionality in this thesis denotes the proximity of seat shares parties receive compared to their respective vote shares, after the electoral system’s allocation process. This proportionality can be measured through numerous indices that illustrate either the overall proportionality of an electoral system or a particular election. The correspondence of a single party’s seat shares to its vote shares can also be measured. The overall proportionality is essential in three of the articles (1, 2 and 4), where the system’s performance is studied by means of plots. In article 3, minority party success is measured by advantage-ratios that reveal single party’s winnings or losses in the votes to seat allocation process. The first article asks how proportional are the European parliamentary (EP) electoral systems, how do they compare with results gained from earlier studies and how do the EP electoral systems treat different sized parties. The reasons for different outcomes are looked for in explanations given by traditional electoral studies i.e. electoral system variables. The countries studied (EU15) apply electoral systems that vary in many important aspects, even though a certain amount of uniformity has been aspired to for decades. Since the electoral systems of the EP elections closely resemble the national elections, the same kinds of profiles emerge as in the national elections. The electoral systems indeed treat the parties differentially and six different profile types can be found. The counting method seems to somewhat determine the profile group, but the strongest variables determining the shape of a countries’ profile appears to be the average district magnitude and number of seats allocated to each country. The second article also focuses on overall proportionality performance of an electoral system, but here the focus is on the impact of electoral system changes. I have developed a new method of visualizing some previously used indices and some new indices for this purpose. The aim is to draw a comparable picture of these electoral systems’ changes and their effects. The cases, which illustrate this method, are four elections systems, where a change has occurred in one of the system variables, while the rest remained unchanged. The studied cases include the French, Greek and British European parliamentary systems and the Swedish national parliamentary system. The changed variables are electoral type (plurality changed to PR in the UK), magnitude (France splitting the nationwide district into eight smaller districts), legal threshold (Greece introducing a three percent threshold) and counting method (d’Hondt was changed to modified Sainte-Laguë in Sweden). The radar plots from elections after and before the changes are drawn for all country cases. When quantifying the change, the change in the plots area that is created has also been calculated. Using these radar plots we can observe that the change in electoral system type, magnitude, and also to some extent legal threshold had an effect on overall proportionality and accessibility for small parties, while the change between the two highest averages counting method had none. The third article studies the success minority parties have had in nine electoral systems in European heterogeneous countries. This article aims to add more motivation as to why we should care how different sized parties are treated by the electoral systems. Since many of the parties that aspire to represent minorities in European countries are small, the possibilities for small parties are highlighted. The theory of consociational (or power-sharing) democracy suggests that, in heterogeneous societies, a proportional electoral system will provide the fairest treatment of minority parties. The OSCE Lund Recommendations propose a number of electoral system features, which would improve minority representation. In this article some party variables, namely the unity of the minority parties and the geographical concentration of the minorities were included among possible explanations. The conclusions are that the central points affecting minority success were indeed these non-electoral system variables rather than the electoral system itself. Moreover, the size of the party was a major factor governing success in all the systems investigated; large parties benefited in all the studied electoral systems. In the fourth article the proportionality profiles are again applied, but this time to district level results in Finnish parliamentary elections. The level of proportionality distortion is also studied by way of indices. The average magnitudes during the studied periodrange from 7.5 to 26.2 in the Finnish electoral districts and this opens up unequal opportunities for parties in different districts and affects the shape of the profiles. The intra-country case allows the focus to be placed on the effect of district magnitude, since all other electoral systems are kept constant in an intra-country study. The time span in the study is from 1962 to 2007, i.e. the time that the districts have largely been the same geographically. The plots and indices tell the same story, district magnitude and electoral alliances matter. The district magnitude is connected to the overall proportionality of the electoral districts according to both indices, and the profiles are, as expected, also closer to perfect proportionality in large districts. Alliances have helped some small parties to gain a much higher seat share than their respective vote share and these successes affect some of the profiles. The profiles also show a consistent pattern of benefits for the small parties who ally with the larger parties.

“Of Spitzenkandidaten and European Leaders”: Is the new 2014 "politicized” Presidency of the Commission going to be a real step forward in the EU legitimization process?

Thanks to ART.17.7 of the Lisbon Treaty, the European Council now has to “take into account” the results of EP Elections when selecting a candidate for the role of Commission President. The European Parliament has grabbed the opportunity to launch the first electoral race for spitzenkandidaten to the Presidency. Is this the start of a new democratizing (and thus, politicizing) process for the European Union? This dissertation will try to give a possible answer to the dilemma by constructing a comprehensive framework around EP Elections 2014 that will involve both the Commission and the Parliament and an analysis of the debate beyond legal provisions and the possibility of a politicized presidency of the Commission.

Las reglas de la mayoría y Borda: un ejercicio de simulación

En el presente documento se describe un ejercicio de simulación orientado a facilitar la comprensión y asimilación del funcionamiento de la votación por mayoría y la regla de Borda. El ejercicio consiste en proponer a los alumnos que escojan entre dos proyectos (un programa de becas y una ampliación de las aulas de estudio) que presuntamente se van a realizar en la facultad en la que estudian. Para determinar qué proyecto se debería llevar a cabo se utiliza las reglas de la mayoría y Borda. Los alumnos deben responder a diversas rondas de votaciones donde el orden de la votación o agenda ha sido determinada por el instructor. El ejercicio es útil para exponer y debatir las cuestiones que se explican en un curso estándar de Hacienda Pública sobre el uso de la regla de la mayoría y la regla de Borda, como por ejemplo, la existencia de ciclos en los resultados de una votación, la posibilidad de condicionar el resultado de las votaciones mediante la manipulación de la agenda, el comportamiento estratégico, la formación de coaliciones, las propiedades del teorema de Arrow y la eficiencia de la(s) diferentes alternativas escogidas. El ejercicio se enmarca como parte de las actividades realizadas por el Grupo de Innovación Docente (GID-HAL) de la Universidad de Barcelona.

Oportunidades estratégicas para la implementación del voto electrónico remoto

A partir d"una anàlisi comparada de diferents experiències d"implementació del vot electrònic remot a Espanya i de dades sociopolítiques de valoració d"aquestes votacions, es discuteixen els diferents arguments justificadors de la seva implementació. S"analitzen així els arguments estructurals que incentiven l"adopció del vot electrònic en el context del funcionament dels sistemes polítics democràtics, sense oblidar, però, la percepció i l"avaluació dels ciutadans davant l"ús de les NTIC per a l"emissió del vot. L"anàlisi se centra en la presa en consideració de les debilitats i les amenaces potencials associades a la introducció del vot electrònic, per a concloure que la seva implementació haurà d"ésser progressiva i complementària als sistemes tradicionals de votació.

Abstenció diferencial, vot dual i vot diferencial a L'Hospitalet de Llobregat : Estudi sobre el comportament electoral a L'Hospitalet de Llobregat entre 1979 i 2014

Aquest treball presenta un anàlisi sobre el comportament electoral a L'Hospitalet de Llobregat entre 1979 i 2014, en relació als diferents nivells de participació electoral i les diferències en el vot a partits que es produeixen segons l'àmbit de la convocatòria electoral.

Fiscal Regime Shifts in Portugal

We estimate changes in fiscal policy regimes in Portugal with a Markov Switching regression of fiscal policy rules for the period 1978-2007, using a new dataset of fiscal quarterly series. We find evidence of a deficit bias, while repeated reversals of taxes making the budget procyclical. Economic booms have typically been used to relax tax pressure, especially during elections. One-off measures have been preferred over structural ones to contain the deficit during economic crises. The EU fiscal rules prompted temporary consolidation, but did not permanently change the budgeting process.

Eixos mobilizadores em química

Over the last five years there have been significant changes in higher education in Brazil as well as in research funding. As a contribution to the development of Science and Technology, and aiming to portray Chemistry today in Brazil, in the context of last year´s elections for President, State Governors, National Congress and Legislative Chamber, the Directors and Consulting Council of the Brazilian Chemical Society, SBQ, initiated in 2002 a series of activities to produce a document entitled Mobilizing Axes in Chemistry. This discusses undergraduate and graduate teaching in Chemistry, a new model for research funding, and the overall state of the art, and future perspectives. Six mobilizing axes have been identified and discussed to date: 1. Training of highly qualified personnel; 2. Decentralization, and discouragement of institutional in-breeding; 3. Stimulation of entrepreneurship and interdisciplinarity; 4. A guaranteed budget for Science and Technology; 5. Proactive interaction of academics with economic activity; and 6. Removal of institutional bottle-necks of all sorts. The Brazilian Chemical Society hopes that the new administration will in the near future begin the task of improving the national education system and increase funding for Science and Technology.

Local privatization, intermunicipal cooperation, transaction costs and political interests: Evidence from Spain

Several empirical studies have analyzed the factors that influence local privatization. Variables related to fiscal stress, cost reduction, political processes and ideological attitudes are the most common explanatory variables used in these studies. In this paper, we add to this literature by examining the influence of transaction costs and political factors on local governments’ choices through new variables. In addition to this, we consider the role of additional aspects, such as intermunicipal cooperation as a potential alternative to privatization in order to exploit scale economies or scope economies. We consider two relevant services: solid waste collection and water distribution. Results from our estimates show that privatization (that is, contracting out to a private firm) is less common for water distribution than for solid waste collection. Higher transaction costs in water distribution are consistent with this finding. Furthermore, we find that municipalities with a conservative ruling party privatize more often regardless of the ideological orientation of the constituency. This shows that those political interests able to influence local elections are more important in determining the form of delivery than is the basic ideological stance of the constituency. Finally, we find that intermunicipal cooperation is an alternative to local privatization.

Com vota el cervell

La política ocupa una part important de les nostres vides, tenint en compte el volum de notícies en tots els mitjans, i ens permet implicar-nos en els temes públics i intervenir en l'interès i el bé comú. En democràcia, per arribar a consensos la política és imprescindible, encara que no únicament mitjançant el vot. Ara bé, com decidim el sentit del vot, i com aconseguim el tan necessari acord pel bon funcionament de la societat?