The Re-Emergence of Suriname’s Désiré (Desi) Bouterse: Political Acumen and Geopolitical Anxiety

This study examines some concerns that derive from Suriname‘s May-July 2010 elections, which resulted in the re-emergence of erstwhile military ruler and convicted drug trafficker, Désiré (Desi) Bouterse, as President of the Republic. The victory reflects Bouterse‘s political acumen in aggregating disparate political interests and in establishing a viable coalition government. But because of his history and profile, this triumph has generated anxiety in some places internationally. In this respect, the study examines anxieties related to three matters: (a) relations with Guyana, where there is an existing territorial dispute and a recently resolved maritime dispute, (b) illegal drug trafficking operations, and (c) foreign policy engagement with Venezuela. There has been a flurry of bilateral activities—including several presidential summits—with Guyana since President Bouterse‘s inauguration, albeit seemingly more about symbolism than substance. Although the maritime dispute was settled by a Tribunal of the United Nations Convention of the Law of the Sea in 2007, the 15,000 km2 New River Triangle is still unresolved. Indeed, in June 2011 President Bouterse reasserted Suriname‘s claim to the Triangle. Suriname has upped the ante in that dispute by portraying internationally the map of Suriname as inclusive of the disputed area. In all likelihood that self-redefinition slowly will become the country‘s cartographic definition in the eyes of the world if Guyana does not successfully rebuff that move or pursue the definitive settlement of the dispute. A geonarcotics assessment shows Suriname to be still heavily implicated in trafficking, because of geography, law enforcement limitations, corruption, and other factors. But despite Bouterse‘s drug-related history and that of former senior military officers, several reasons suggest the inexpediency of a narco-state being created by Bouterse. As well, as part of Suriname‘s pursuit of increased Caribbean and South American engagement, it has boosted relations with Venezuela, which has included it in PetroCaribe and provided housing and agricultural aid. However, the engagement appears to be driven more by pragmatism and less by any ideological affinity with Hugo Chavez.

Latin America and the Caribbean in 2011 and Beyond: A conversation among Latin America and Caribbean Specialists.

For the first time in more than fifty years, the domestic and external conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are not primarily ideological in nature. Democracy continues to thrive and its promise still inspires hope. In contrast, the illegal production, consumption, and trading of drugs – and its links to criminal gangs and organizations – represent major challenges to the region, undermining several States’ already weak capacity to govern. While LAC macroeconomic stability has remained resilient, illegal economies fill the region, often offering what some States have not historically been able to provide – elements of human security, opportunities for social mobility, and basic survival. Areas controlled by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) are now found in Central America, Mexico, and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, reflecting their competition for land routes and production areas. Cartels such as La Familia, Los Zetas, and Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-Brazil), among others, operate like trade and financial enterprises that manage millions of dollars and resources, demonstrating significant business skills in adapting to changing circumstances. They are also merciless in their application of violence to preserve their lucrative enterprises. The El Salvador-Guatemala-Honduras triangle in Central America is now the most violent region in the world, surpassing regions in Africa that have been torn by civil strife for years. In Brazil’s favelas and Guatemala’s Petén region, the military is leaving the barracks again; not to rule, however, but to supplement and even replace the law enforcement capacity of weak and discredited police forces. This will challenge the military to apply lessons learned during the course of their experience in government, or from the civil wars that plagued the region for nearly 50 years during the Cold War. Will they be able to conduct themselves according to the professional ethics that have been inculcated over the past 20 years without incurring violations of human rights? Belief in their potential to do good is high according to many polls as the Armed Forces still enjoy a favorable perception in most societies, despite frequent involvement in corruption. Calling them to fight DTOs, however, may bring them too close to the illegal activities they are being asked to resist, or even rekindle the view that only a “strong hand” can resolve national troubles. The challenge of governance is occurring as contrasts within the region are becoming sharper. There is an increasing gap between nations positioned to surpass their “developing nation” status and those that are practically imploding as the judicial, political and enforcement institutions fall further into the quagmire of illicit activities. Several South American nations are advancing their political and economic development. Brazil in particular has realized macro-economic stability, made impressive gains in poverty reduction, and is on track to potentially become a significant oil producer. It is also an increasingly influential power, much closer to the heralded “emerging power” category that it aspired to for most of the 20th century. In contrast, several Central American States have become so structurally deficient, and have garnered such limited legitimacy, that their countries have devolved into patches of State controlled and non-State-controlled territory, becoming increasingly vulnerable to DTO entrenchment. In the Caribbean, the drug and human trafficking business also thrives. Small and larger countries are experiencing the growing impact of illicit economies and accompanying crime and violence. Among these, Guyana and Suriname face greater uncertainty, as they juggle both their internal affairs and their relations with Brazil and Venezuela. Cuba also faces new challenges as it continues focusing on internal rather than external affairs and attempts to ensure a stable leadership succession while simultaneously trying to reform its economy. Loosening the regime’s tight grip on the economy while continuing to curtail citizen’s civil rights will test the leadership’s ability to manage change and prevent a potential socio-economic crisis from turning into an existential threat. Cuba’s past ideological zest is now in the hands of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, who continues his attempts to bring the region together under Venezuelan leadership ideologically based on a “Bolivarian” anti-U.S. banner, without much success. The environment and natural disasters will merit more attention in the coming years. Natural events will produce increasing scales of destruction as the States in the region fail to maintain and expand existing infrastructure to withstand such calamities and respond to their effects. Prospects for earthquakes, tsunamis, and hurricanes are high, particularly in the Caribbean. In addition, there are growing rates of deforestation in nearly every country, along with a potential increase in cross-sector competition for resources. The losers might be small farmers, due to their inability to produce quantities commensurate to larger conglomerates. Regulations that could mitigate these types of situations are lacking or openly violated with near impunity. Indigenous and other vulnerable populations, including African descendants, in several Andean countries, are particularly affected by the increasing extraction of natural resources taking place amongst their terrain. This has led to protests against extraction activities that negatively affect their livelihoods, and in the process, these historically underprivileged groups have transitioned from agenda-based organization to one that is bringing its claims and grievances to the national political agenda, becoming more politically engaged. Symptomatic of these social issues is the region’s chronically poor quality of education that has consistently failed to reduce inequality and prepare new generations for jobs in the competitive global economy, particularly the more vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the educational deficit is also exacerbated by the erosion of access to information and freedom of the press. The international panorama is also in flux. New security entities are challenging the old establishment. The Union of South American Nations, The South American Defense Council, the socialist Bolivarian Alliance, and other entities seem to be defying the Organization of American States and its own defense mechanisms, and excluding the U.S. And the U.S.’s attention to areas in conflict, namely Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan – rather than to the more stable Latin America and Caribbean – has left ample room for other actors to elbow in. China is now the top trading partner for Brazil. Russian and Iran are also finding new partnerships in the region, yet their links appear more politically inclined than those of China. Finally, the aforementioned increasing commercial ties by LAC States with China have accelerated a return to the preponderance of commodities as sources of income for their economies. The increased extraction of raw material for export will produce greater concern over the environmental impact that is created by the exploitation of natural resources. These expanded trade opportunities may prove counterproductive economically for countries in the region, particularly for Brazil and Chile, two countries whose economic policies have long sought diversification from dependence on commodities to the development of service and technology based industries.

The Basis of Support for Hugo Chávez: Measuring the Determinants of Presidential Job Approval in Venezuela

Since 1999, Venezuela has experienced a dramatic transformation of its political system with the coming to power of Hugo Chávez and his movement, known in Venezuela as Chavismo. Chávez has dismantled the previous political system and established neo-populist structures that rely on his personal appeal and the close collaboration of the armed forces. Chávez has relied heavily on significant support from the poor and those who felt economically and politically excluded by the “Punto Fijo system.” President Chávez has built an impressive record of electoral victories; winning every electoral contest except one since coming to power in 1999. He continues to receive relatively high levels of support among sectors of Venezuelan society. However, there is evidence of growing discontent with high crime rates, high levels of inflation, and significant corruption in the public administration. Using data from the AmericasBarometer surveys conducted in 2007, 2008 and 2010, this paper seeks to examine the basis of Chávez’s popular support. In general, the AmericasBarometer findings suggest that Venezuelans support for President Chávez is closely linked to the access to social programs and that as long as the government is able to fund these social programs or missions, particularly MERCAL and Barrio Adentro, it will possess an important tool to garner and sustain support for President Chávez. Our analysis, however, also indicates that evaluations of the national economic situation, more than crime or insecurity, are a key factor that could undermine support for the regime.

We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela

We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela, draws on fifteen months of field research accompanying organizers, participating in protests, planning/strategy meetings, state-run programs, academic conferences and everyday life in these two countries. Through comparative examination of the processes by which African Diaspora youth become radically politicized, this work deconstructs tendencies to deify political s/heroes of eras past by historicizing their ascent to political acclaim and centering the narratives of present youth leading movements for Black/African liberation across the Diaspora. I employ Manuel Callahan’s description of “encuentros”, “the disruption of despotic democracy and related white middle-class hegemony through the reconstruction of the collective subject”; “dialogue, insurgent learning, and convivial research that allows for a collective analysis and vision to emerge while affirming local struggles” to theorize the moments of encounter, specifically, the moments (in which) Black/African youth find themselves becoming politically radicalized and by what. I examine the ways in which Black/African youth organizing differs when responding to their perpetual victimization by neoliberal, genocidal state-politics in the US, and a Venezuelan state that has charged itself with the responsibility of radically improving the quality of life of all its citizens. Through comparative analysis, I suggest the vertical structures of “representative democracy” dominating the U.S. political climate remain unyielding to critical analyses of social stratification based on race, gender, and class as articulated by Black youth. Conversely, I contend that present Venezuelan attempts to construct and fortify more horizontal structures of “popular democracy” under what Hugo Chavez termed 21st Century Socialism, have resulted in social fissures, allowing for a more dynamic and hopeful negation between Afro-Venezuelan youth and the state.

The contribution of Victor Hugo to the liberation, emancipation, and changing perceptions of women in 19th century French society

The over-riding perceptions of Victor Hugo’s attitudes towards women are intensely coloured by his deep-seated Romanticism and his well-testified, stifling and over-bearing treatment of women in his personal life. As such, Hugo’s contribution to the feminist struggle of his time has been woefully overlooked in the larger scheme of his social and political activism. Through a close examination of his largely unstudied public discourse on women’s rights, this thesis situates Hugo’s feminist views firmly in the context of Enlightenment feminism and 19th century feminism, while also drawing heavily on the illuminating principles of Enlightenment feminism. In particular, this thesis examines Hugo’s support for several of the most determining issues of 19th century French feminism, including women’s right to education, equal citizenship, universal suffrage rights, and the issue of regulated prostitution. Further, by examining the way in which Hugo’s views on women’s maternal role extended far beyond the limited vision of domesticity bolstered by the ideology of ‘republican motherhood’, this thesis engages in a re-appraisal of Hugo’s literary representation of maternity which identifies the maternal as a universal quality of devotion and self-sacrifice to which all humankind must aspire for the creation of a just, egalitarian, and democratic society. Though at times inevitably constrained by his Romanticism, this thesis demonstrates the extent to which Hugo’s feminism is grounded in his wider vision of social emancipation and is underpinned by a profound empathy, compassion, and moral conscience – qualities which are just as fundamental today, as they were for Hugo when participating in the fitful, though decisive, feminist struggle in 19th century France.

The Wounded Me: a novel and critical essay on Hugo Simberg's oeuvre and the literary engagement with his painting The Wounded Angel

No abstract available.

La construcci?n de los sujetos discursivos desde la noci?n de mundo posible en 10 editoriales de dos medios de circulaci?n nacional: el tiempo y el espectador, en relaci?n a la convalecencia de Hugo Ch?vez [recurso electr?nico]

Tras el anuncio de Hugo Ch?vez, extinto Presidente venezolano, de su regreso a Cuba para someterse a un nuevo tratamiento m?dico ante la reaparici?n del c?ncer que lo aquejaba, el d?a 8 de diciembre de 2012; se gener? un estado de tensi?n e incertidumbre en Venezuela, situaci?n que capt? el inter?s de los medios y la opini?n p?blica de todo el mundo hacia el tema se?alado. Es en el marco de los momentos que vivi? el extinto Presidente venezolano es que se construy? a nivel medi?tico toda una serie de representaciones. Se realizaron m?ltiples textos de diferentes g?neros period?sticos, con diferentes niveles de profundidad, entre los que se destacan las columnas de opini?n y los editoriales. Los diferentes medios de comunicaci?n del mundo, entre los que se encuentran los colombianos como El Tiempo y El Espectador produjeron materiales noticiosos, audiovisuales, radiof?nicos y de prensa escrita bien sea impresa o virtual, encaminados a mostrar la realidad del periodo tanto de convalecencia como de la muerte del Presidente venezolano para ese momento, diciembre de 2012 a marzo de 2013. Las declaraciones de Hugo Ch?vez, al momento de su partida a Cuba y el manejo que le dieron a dicha informaci?n los diferentes medios de comunicaci?n como la prensa colombiana, son el objetivo del presente an?lisis; describir, a partir de la noci?n de mundo posible, el proceso de construcci?n de los sujetos discursivos en dos medios impresos de circulaci?n nacional, en relaci?n con la convalecencia del presidente Hugo Ch?vez Fr?as. La propuesta se enmarca en el an?lisis del discurso desde la Din?mica Enunciativa de Mart?nez y su propuesta integrativa, se basa adem?s en aportes de Charaudeau, Fairclough, entre otros y en el an?lisis de construcci?n de los sujetos discursivos desde la noci?n de mundos posibles de Umberto Eco.

Propuesta de un programa de capacitación de calidad en el servicio al cliente dirigido al personal de la unidad de salud de Mejicanos Dr. Hugo Morán Quijada.

El enfoque de la calidad se ha convertido en una nueva forma o filosofía de trabajo de las organizaciones la cual se proyecta eficientemente en las relaciones con los clientes o usuarios de los productos o servicios. Esto hace que las organizaciones realicen cambios ya sea en la presentación, diversidad de los productos, imagen corporativa y/o estructura organizacional; formulando políticas que contribuyan a proyectar una imagen favorable a la institución a través de la prestación de servicios con calidad con el fin de responder a las necesidades y expectativas de los usuarios, ya que ellos son la razón de ser de las mismas. En tal sentido, las inversiones en capital humano son de vital importancia para las instituciones, ya que es un medio a través del cual se puede lograr un adecuado desempeño de la fuerza laboral en los puestos que ocupan. Por lo tanto, presente trabajo se creó con la propósito de detectar las necesidades de capacitación del personal de la Unidad de Salud de Mejicanos Dr. Hugo Morán Quijada, relacionados con el servicio al cliente y calidad en el servicio con el fin de proponer un programa de capacitación que sea la herramienta que contribuya al personal de la institución brindar servicios con calidad. La investigación de campo se realizó haciendo uso de fuentes primaria de información tales como la entrevista y encuesta; también de fuentes secundarias entre las cuales se encuentran libros de texto, trabajos de graduación, artículos de internet, y seminarios de capacitación. La elaboración del diagnóstico de la situación actual del personal de la Unidad de Salud se realizó mediante una entrevista realizada a 41 de los empleados que tienen un mayor contacto con el usuario. Para el diagnóstico de la situación actual de los usuarios de la Unidad de Salud; se efectúo una encuesta a los mismos, con el objeto de comparar el servicio proporcionado por personal en las diferentes unidades y servicios que brinda la institución. En éste se identificaron hallazgos relacionados con: tiempo, servicio más solicitado y atención personal, lo que permitió detectar problemas y proponer soluciones que incorporen la filosofía de la calidad en el servicio. Posteriormente se analizó la información recopilada en la investigación de campo, en la cual se encontró que existe insatisfacción en los usuarios por el desinterés y la falta de amabilidad que reciben por parte del personal, asimismo se determinó que la mayoría de los empleados no cuentan con incentivos para realizar mejor su trabajo y carecen de conocimientos básicos de servicio al cliente y calidad en el servicio; lo cual se encuentra sustentado en las deficiencias cognoscitivas identificadas casi en la totalidad de los empleados en las áreas antes citadas. Por tal razón se recomienda implementar un programa capacitación de calidad en el servicio que sirva de guía para la ejecución de las diferentes actividades del proceso de atención y contribuirá a ofrecer servicios de calidad.

A complexity-based diagnostic on the democratic unity roundtable mud: problems and alternatives (2008-2016)

Este trabajo exploratorio estudia al movimiento político Mesa de la Unidad Democrática (MUD), creada con el fin de oponerse la Gobierno socialista existente en venezuela. La crítica que este documento realiza, parte desde el punto de vista de la Ciencia de la Complejidad. Algunos conceptos clave de sistemas complejos han sido utilizados para explicar el funcionamiento y organización de la MUD, esto con el objetivo de generar un diagnóstico integral de los problemas que enfrenta, y evidenciar las nuevas percepciones sobre comportamientos perjudiciales que el partido tiene actualmente. Con el enfoque de la complejidad se pretende ayudar a comprender mejor el contexto que enmarca al partido y, para, finalmente aportar una serie de soluciones a los problemas de cohesión que presen

As Fábulas teatrais de Valter Hugo Mãe

O texto apresenta os textos inéditos, escritos pelo romancista português Valter Hugo Mãe para o teatro. Analisa as afinidades entre a escrita romanesca e a escrita teatral de um autor que, preocupado com a História, narra pequenas histórias com personagens mergulhadas nos problemas da sociedade actual.

Entrevista a James Petras

Contacto principal para correspondencia editorial.

Melhoria da Atenção à Saúde das Pessoas com Hipertensão Arterial e/ou Diabetes Mellitus na UBS Gomes, Hugo Napoleão/PI

AGRAMONTE, YadiraEchemendia. Melhoria da atenção aos usuários com Hipertensão Arterial e diabetes na UBS Gomes, Hugo Napoleão/PI. 2015. 80f. Trabalho de Conclusão de Curso (Curso de Especialização em Saúde da Família) - Departamento de Medicina Social, Faculdade de Medicina, Universidade Federal de Pelotas, Pelotas, 2015. Hipertensão Arterial e Diabetes Mellitus constituem os principais fatores de risco para doenças cardiovasculares. Neste contexto, o acompanhamento demonstra ser uma importante estratégia de controle destas condições de saúde. Nossa intervenção foi realizada na Unidade Básica de Saúde Gomes, no município de Hugo Napoleão/Piauí e foi realizada entre os meses de maio, junho e julho de 2015 e voltada aos usuários com HAS e/ou DM. Escolheu-se o foco de intervenção após verificar e deficiências encontradas na unidade de saúde e decidia com a equipe de acordo com as necessidades de saúde da população. O objetivo geral foi melhorar a atenção às pessoas com hipertensão arterial sistêmica e/ou diabetes mellitus na UBS Gomes. Utilizou-se como protocolo o manual técnico de hipertensão arterial sistêmica e/ou diabetes mellitus, do Ministério da Saúde de 2012 e instrumentos do curso, como ficha-espelho e planilha eletrônica de coleta de dados. As atividades foram programadas considerando-se os quatro eixos temáticos como, organização e gestão do serviço, monitoramento e avaliação, engajamento público e qualificação da prática clínica. A cobertura de atenção à pessoa com hipertensão arterial sistêmica, antes da intervenção, era de 16 (19%)pessoas e de três (13%) pessoas com diabetes mellitus. A cobertura ao final da intervenção foi de 85 (100%) usuários com hipertensão arterial sistêmica e 25 (100%) usuários com diabetes mellitus. Os indicadores de qualidade do programa, também, melhoraram muito.Nossa equipe alcançou 100% dos usuários com exames complementares realizados, na proporção de 100% dos usuários com registros adequados na ficha de acompanhamento, na proporção de 100% dos usuários com orientações sobre a prática de atividade física regular, sobre o risco do tabagismo e os que receberam orientação sobre higiene bucal. Enfim, melhoramos a assistência às pessoas, desenvolvemos capacitações com os profissionais atuantes, ações educativas com a comunidade, melhoria dos registros, visitas domiciliares, incremento na qualidade das consultas e melhoria no acompanhamento odontológico. Palavras-chave:Atenção Primária à Saúde; Saúde da Família; Hipertensão Arterial Sistêmica; Diabetes Mellitus; Saúde Bucal.