821 resultados para Alternative public sphere
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One of the broad objectives of the Nigerian health service, vigorously being pursued at all levels of government, is to make comprehensive health care available and accessible to the population at the lowest possible cost, within available resources. Some state governments in the federation have already introduced free medical service as a practical way to remove financial barriers to access and in turn to encourage greater utilization of publicly funded care facilities.^ To aid health planners and decision makers in identifying a shorter corridor through which urban dwellers can gain access to comprehensive health care, a health interview survey of the metropolitan Lagos was undertaken. The primary purpose was to ascertain the magnitude of access problems which urban households face in seeking care from existing public facilities at the time of need. Six categories of illness chosen from the 1975 edition of the International Classification of Disease were used as indicators of health need.^ Choice of treatment facilities in response to illness episode was examined in relation to distance, travel time, time of use and transportation experiences. These were graphically described. The overall picture indicated that distance and travel time coexist with transportation problems in preventing a significant segment of those in need of health care from benefitting in the free medical service offered in public health facilities. Within this milieu, traditional medicine and its practitioners became the most preferred alternative. Recommendations were offered for action with regard to decentralization of general practitioner (GP) consultations in general hospitals and integration of traditional medicine and its practitioners into public health service. ^
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The Obama administration's recurring policy emphasis on high-performing charter schools begs the obvious question: how do you identify a high-performing charter school? That is a crucially important policy question because any evaluation strategy that incorrectly identifies charter school performance could have negative effects on the economically and/or academically disadvantaged students who frequently attend charter schools. If low-performing schools are mislabeled and allowed to persist or encouraged to expand, then students may be harmed directly. If high-performing schools are driven from the market by misinformation, then students will lose access to programs and services that can make a difference in their lives. Most of the scholarly analysis to date has focused on comparing the performance of students in charter schools to that of similar students in traditional public schools (TPS). By design, that research measures charter school performance only in relative terms. Charter schools that outperform similarly situated, but low performing, TPSs have positive effects, even if the charter schools are mediocre in an absolute sense. This analysis describes strategies for identifying high-performing charter schools by comparing charter schools with one another. We begin by describing salient characteristics of Texas charter schools. We follow that discussion with a look at how other researchers across the country have compared charter school effectiveness with TPS effectiveness. We then present several metrics that can be used to identify high-performing charter schools. Those metrics are not mutually exclusive—one could easily justify using multiple measures to evaluate school effectiveness—but they are also not equally informative. If the goal is to measure the contributions that schools are making to student knowledge and skills, then a value-added approach like the ones highlighted in this report is clearly superior to a levels-based approach like that taken under the current accountability system.
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Neutron spectra unfolding and dose equivalent calculation are complicated tasks in radiation protection, are highly dependent of the neutron energy, and a precise knowledge on neutron spectrometry is essential for all dosimetry-related studies as well as many nuclear physics experiments. In previous works have been reported neutron spectrometry and dosimetry results, by using the ANN technology as alternative solution, starting from the count rates of a Bonner spheres system with a LiI(Eu) thermal neutrons detector, 7 polyethylene spheres and the UTA4 response matrix with 31 energy bins. In this work, an ANN was designed and optimized by using the RDANN methodology for the Bonner spheres system used at CIEMAT Spain, which is composed of a He neutron detector, 12 moderator spheres and a response matrix for 72 energy bins. For the ANN design process a neutrons spectra catalogue compiled by the IAEA was used. From this compilation, the neutrons spectra were converted from lethargy to energy spectra. Then, the resulting energy ?uence spectra were re-binned by using the MCNP code to the corresponding energy bins of the He response matrix before mentioned. With the response matrix and the re-binned spectra the counts rate of the Bonner spheres system were calculated and the resulting re-binned neutrons spectra and calculated counts rate were used as the ANN training data set.
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The aim of this paper is to call into question those typologies conventionally used in developing the post-industrial urban fabric (streets, cityblocks, slabs, etc.), often catering to urban designs based on speculative interests and completely overlooking community interests. By defining the concepts of ?postpublic space? and ?reversible urban entities? and illustrating them with an exemplary case of Spanish residential architecture from the 1960s, we establish one possible way of tackling contemporary urban-residential projects. This alternative approach considers the relationship between residential systems and open space systems and promotes the continuity and/or alternation of scales between house and city in an effort to improve the urban quality of life for residents and external users.
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The famous plan for Toulouse-Le Mirail, by Candilis/Josic/Woods (1961), proposed a radical and hitherto new public space, the dalle, an elevated linear ?stem? that wove the whole urban intervention and concentrated all the commercial, social and cultural activity of the neighbourhood. However, the project is today stigmatized as a total social failure. The dalle has been demolished and a traditional commercial street has been implemented. Was demolition the sole alternative for Le Mirail?s future? This paper aims at identifying certain themes around the conception of the dalle, capable of informing today?s theory and practice in the design of new shopping/public-scapes. It reflects on both the most positive values of the project and on its naiveties and mistakes, conscious of the social unrest that aggrandized them. Ultimately, it calls for a deeper reflection on the urban proposals of the Modern Movement, beyond demolition as the only possible solution.
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The third Training School of the Action took place in Vitoria-Gasteiz (Basque country, Spain) from 24th to 26th September 2014. Vitoria-Gateiz has experimented an important urban outgrowth in the last decade, mainly through the planning and development of two new neighborhoods, Zabalgana and Salburúa, situated at the eastern and western border of the city, by the Greenbelt. These new development are well-equipped and designed according to sustainability principles. Nevertheless, among the main problems they present is their over-dimensioned public space, which creates some areas lacking enough density and mix of uses. On the other hand it is very expensive for the municipality to maintain these public space with the high Vitorian urban standards for public space. The proposed solution for this problem is a strategy of "re-densification" through the insertion of new uses The debate has arisen about which are the most adequate uses to insert in order to get an increasing of urban vitality, specially considering that housing has reached its peak and that Vitoria-Gasteiz is well served with social and sport amenities. The main goal of the TS was to offer an opportunity for the reflection about how urban agriculture might be an optimal alternative for the re-qualifying of this over-dimensioned public space in the new neighbourhoods, especially considering it synergic potential as a tool for production, leisure and landscaping, including the possibility of energy crops within the limits of urban space. Continuity with rural and natural surrounding area through alternatives for urban fringe at the small scale is a relevant issue to be considered as well within the reflection. Taking Zabalgana neighbourhood as a practical field for experiment, the Training School is conceived as a practical and intensive design charrette to be held during a whole day after two days of local knowledge-deepening through field visits and presentations.
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The spatial processes deployed by the 15-M movement in Spain include elements of social change that exceed the limits of conventional politics. Located at a liminal level, these processes operate in the often unnoticed realm of the micro-politics of urban everyday life and the regimes of place that regulate it, providing new criteria for understanding sociospatial and urban phenomena. This article shows how public space, its representations and the spatialities associated with them have served as a support for, have determined and, ultimately, have been reshaped and transformed by the Spanish “indignados” (outraged), in particular in the city and the metropolitan area of Madrid. Drawing on a series of theoretical approaches to the articulation of recent revolts, the deployment of a prefigurative politics and the occupation of public space, I will give an experience-based account of the spatial constitution and effects of these connections in and around Madrid’s Puerta del Sol. As a whole, the indignados’ occupations and actions provide urban theory with conceptual and practical tools to imagine alternative forms of collective commitment in the production of spaces of hope for social progress and generalized self-management.
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Under Vladimir Putin's rule, Russia consistently and systematically expanded its activity in Asia, establishing closer political contacts with key countries in the region, rebuilding relations with former allies from Soviet times, and strengthening its presence in the Asian markets, in the energy sphere also. These activities were accompanied by intensive Russian propaganda, the message of which was that relations with the West can be restricted in favour of developing closer relations with Asian states. A justified question concerning the Russian Federation's realistic possibilities arises in this context: To what extent can it make Asia an alternative to theWest in geopolitical, economic and energy terms? Can Russia build an anti-Western alliance with Asian states? Is it able to reduce its dependence on the European market by developing its trade with Asia? Is it possible to redirect a substantial portion of Russian energy resource exports onto Asian markets? A presentation of the existing ties between Russia and theWest (here considered as the USA and the EU) will serve as a starting point for answering these questions. The following chapters will analyse Russia's opportunities in Asia in terms of geopolitical issues, the economy and energy
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In the last decade, along with economic and technological growth, Russia has seen a dynamic development of the internet. Today the net is an everyday tool of work, information and entertainment for 40% of Russians – the most educated, active and affluent part of the society. The spread of the internet (known in Russia as the Runet) has, in turn, brought about significant political and social consequences. With the political and social sphere in Russia strictly controlled by the government, most of this activity has moved to cyberspace. The internet has become an alternative to the state-controlled media, a site for the free exchange of views and a home to numerous social initiatives. In this way, it has become a school of citizenship for Russians, and a kind of ‘test tube’ that has spawned social and political activity. This activity went beyond cyberspace in the election period in 2011/2012, and turned into massive street protests. The potential of the internet has also been used by the Russian government, both to shape public opinion (via loyal online media) and to monitor civil initiatives, especially opposition ones. The state has many instruments of technical control and supervision of the internet and its users’ activity. This control was used in the election period 2011/2012, when selected sites were blocked and pressure exerted on independent websites. These actions were a warning sign from the government, aimed at discouraging internet users from any opposition activity. However, it does not seem feasible that any restriction of such activity can be effective. The scale of this activity is now enormous, and attempts to censor the net and resorting to repression against internet users on a wider scale would only fuel resentment towards the government.
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After two and a half years under President Viktor Yanukovych and the Party of Regions, the overwhelming majority of Ukrainians are dissatisfied with the state the country’s economy is currently in and the direction it has been developing in. There has also been a significant drop in stability and social security with the general public increasingly feeling that the government has little interest in their problems. Only 16% of Ukrainians believe that the current government has performed better than their predecessors, although overall confidence in both the ruling party and the opposition remains low. Nonetheless, falling support for the president and the Cabinet does not seem to have translated into greater popularity for the country’s opposition parties; these currently enjoy the confidence of only a quarter of the electorate. The clear lack of credibility for politicians on either side of the political spectrum, coupled with an almost universal preoccupation with the bare necessities of life, has shifted the political processes in Ukraine further down the agenda for the majority of Ukrainians. Ukraine’s poor economic performance, which over the last two years has been addressed through a series of highly unpopular economic reforms, has resulted in a growing mood of discontent and increased civil activity, with the Ukrainian people reporting a greater willingness than ever to join protests on social issues. Most of them, however, have shown much less interest in political rallies. This is likely to stem from low levels of trust in the opposition and the general belief that opposition politicians are not a viable alternative to the current government. One may therefore assume that there will be little public scrutiny of the parliamentary election scheduled for 28 October, and that the likelihood of mass demonstrations during it is low. However, in the event of large-scale vote rigging and a dismissive response from the government, spontaneous unsanctioned rallies cannot be ruled out. What is more likely, however, is a series of protests after the elections, when the already difficult economic situation is further exacerbated by a predicted rise in the price of gas for Ukrainian households and a possible move to devalue the Ukrainian hryvnia.
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Mixed enterprises, which are entities jointly owned by the public and private sector, are spreading all over Europe in local utilities. Well aware that in the vast majority of cases the preference of local authorities towards such governance structure is determined by practical reasons rather than by the ambition to implement new regulatory designs (an alternative to the typical “external” regulation), our purpose is to confer some scientific value to this phenomenon which has not been sufficiently investigated in the economic literature. This paper aims at proposing an economic analysis of mixed enterprises, especially of the specific configuration in which the public partner acts as controller and the private one (or “industrial” partner) as service provider. We suggest that the public service concession to mixed enterprises could embody, under certain conditions, a noteworthy substitute to the traditional public provision and the concession to totally private enterprises, as it can push regulated operators to outperform and limit the risk of private opportunism. The starting point of the entire analysis is that ownership allows the (public) owner to gather more information about the actual management of the firm, according to property rights theory. Following this stream of research, we conclude that under certain conditions mixed enterprises could significantly reduce asymmetric information between regulators and regulated firms by implementing a sort of “internal” regulation. With more information, in effect, the public authority (as owner/controller of the regulated firm, but also as member of the regulatory agency) can stimulate the private operator to be more efficient and can monitor it more effectively with respect to the fulfilment of contractual obligations (i.e., public service obligations, quality standards, etc.). Moreover, concerning the latter function, the board of directors of the mixed enterprise can be the suitable place where public and private representatives (respectively, welfare and profit maximisers) can meet to solve all disputes arising from incomplete contracts, without recourse to third parties. Finally, taking into account that a disproportionate public intervention in the “private” administration (or an ineffective protection of the general interest) would imply too many drawbacks, we draw some policy implications that make an equitable debate on the board of the firm feasible. Some empirical evidence is taken from the Italian water sector.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"B-245867"--P. [1].
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Federal Highway Administration, Office of Research and Development, Washington, D.C.
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HUD contract no. H-2110-R.