965 resultados para 1606 Political Science


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Reformas da previdência são empreendimentos de difícil realização em regimes democráticos. Afinal, costumam gerar benefícios difusos e percebidos no longo prazo em troca de custos mais imediatos e concentrados em grupos populacionais mais atentos à iniciativa, reconhecida assim como impopular. Contudo, a dinâmica de fatores econômicos e demográficos pode aumentar a necessidade de uma reforma a ponto de, em certos momentos, superar o constrangimento político de sua impopularidade, como se observou no Brasil em diferentes governos. Esta tese apresenta novas evidências da dificuldade encontrada por diferentes chefes do Executivo brasileiro ao submeter projetos reformadores da previdência ao Congresso Nacional, pois os parlamentares, de modo geral, revelaram-se sistematicamente menos propensos a apoiar o governo nessas iniciativas do que em outras com características semelhantes. Em particular, demonstra-se que a resistência do Legislativo foi notavelmente maior na reforma do governo FHC do que na realizada pelo governo Lula e conclui-se que o comportamento mais dócil da oposição ao segundo foi o principal determinante para reduzir a dificuldade na tramitação de seu projeto. Sobre as razões da dificuldade de reformar a previdência nos regimes democráticos em geral, a tese obtém sua conclusão de um exame sobre o contexto mais amplo da reforma do Estado no Brasil à luz de achados basilares da ciência política e, sobretudo, da área de estudos legislativos, a cuja literatura busca adicionar sua contribuição.

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Esta tese objetiva analisar o fenômeno das delegações legislativas no Brasil, de forma a situar o princípio da indelegabilidade na interseção entre a ciência política descritiva e o Direito Administrativo. O trabalho está organizado em três partes. A primeira parte tem como foco a apresentação do debate sobre as delegações legislativas no conhecimento jurídico corrente, sua casuística e inconsistências. Inicia-se com o estudo do princípio da indelegabilidade legislativa, verificando suas origens e pressupostos, passando por seus corolários do Estado de Direito (rule of law), princípio democrático e separação de Poderes. Na sequência, será narrada a história da denominada nondelegation doctrine, desenvolvida nos EUA e que ensejou profícua discussão a merecer análise para o aprofundamento da questão no Brasil. Também serão objeto da Primeira Parte o exame da figura da lei delegada, prevista no art. 68 da Constituição, bem como das principais teorias sobre o poder regulamentar, verificando as suas espécies e características básicas. Por fim, será examinada a jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal, destacando-se as dificuldades de uma definição clara quanto aos limites jurídicos às delegações legislativas. Na segunda parte, as delegações legislativas serão apresentadas como uma das engrenagens da dinâmica política presidencialista, tendo em vista o chamado presidencialismo de coalizão suas críticas, resultados e impactos na democracia brasileira. A experiência dos EUA será, mais uma vez, levada em consideração. Serão abordadas as teorias de public choice e o modo como elas são usadas para aperfeiçoar o debate sobre delegações legislativas, tornando-o mais próximo da realidade, numa construção pragmática do próprio Direito Administrativo daquele país. Finalmente, na terceira parte, será apresentada uma proposta de abordagem para as delegações legislativas no Brasil. A meta é oferecer parâmetros interpretativos, os quais poderão contribuir para a redefinição dos limites do poder regulamentar, enquanto mecanismo de delegação legislativa em benefício e promoção dos valores constitucionais. Almeja-se um desenho de poder regulamentar compatível com uma Administração Pública que seja funcional e capaz de atingir suas finalidades, dentro do projeto democrático da Constituição de 1988. Isto para, ao final, propor critérios objetivos que possam, em conjunto, auxiliar o intérprete no exame de legitimidade das delegações.

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Scully, Roger, Becoming Europeans? Attitudes, Roles and Socialisation in the European Parliament (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), pp.vii+168 RAE2008

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Scully, Roger, Jones, Richard Wyn, and Trystan, Dafydd, 'Turnout, Participation and Legitimacy in Post-Devolution Wales', British Journal of Political Science (2004) 34(3) pp.519-537 RAE2008

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This study aims to present the conditions related to the European Union’s involvement in the Arab Spring, as well as examine the extent of this capability-based involvement in the first months of 2011 against the background of competence disputes between institutions and inter-governmental contentions. These considerations will be the basis for conclusions on the theoretical and practical viability of the European Union’s action in the region of North Africa, in terms of both interests defined in Brussels and representation of a jointly agreed position and undertaking practical actions in the international arena. These assumptions can facilitate a new perspective for the EU’s strategic approach framework in the region of North Africa.

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The past two decades have witnessed concerted efforts by theorists and policy-makers to place civil society at the centre of social, economic and environmental development processes. To this end, policies grounded in a Third Way approach have sought to forge stronger linkages between the state and voluntary community-based organisations. Concepts such as active citizenship, social capital, partnership and sustainability have underpinned this political philosophy, which reflects a movement in development theory and political science away from notions of state-led development and unfettered neo-liberalism. In the Irish context, a series of initiatives have given expression to this new policy agenda, the foremost amongst them the publication of a White Paper in 2000. New local governance structures and development schemes have multiplied since the early 1990s, while the physical planning system has also been modified. All this has taken place against the backdrop of unprecedented economic development and social change precipitated by the ‘Celtic Tiger’.This thesis examines the interaction between community organisations, state institutions and other actors in development processes in East Cork. It focuses upon place-based community organisations, who seek to represent the interests of their particular localities. A case study approach is employed to explore the realpolitik of local development and to gauge the extent to which grassroots community organisations wield influence in determining the development of their communities. The study concludes that the transfer of decision-making power to community organisations has been more illusory than real and that, in practical terms, such groups remain marginal in the circuits of power. However, the situation of community organisations operating in different geographical locales cannot be reduced to an overarching theoretical logic. The case studies show that the modus operandi of community groups varies considerably and can be influenced by specific local geographies, events and personalities.

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We use a formal bargaining model to examine why, in many domestic and international bargaining situations, one or both negotiators make public statements in front of their constituents committing themselves to obtaining certain benefits in the negotiations. We find that making public commitments provides bargaining leverage, when backing down from such commitments carries domestic political costs. However, when the two negotiators face fairly similar costs for violating a public commitment, a prisoner's dilemma is created in which both sides make high public demands which cannot be satisfied, and both negotiators would be better off if they could commit to not making public demands. However, making a public demand is a dominant strategy for each negotiator, and this leads to a suboptimal outcome. Escaping this prisoner's dilemma provides a rationale for secret negotiations. Testable hypotheses are derived from the nature of the commitments and agreements made in equilibrium.

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The Million Mom March (favoring gun control) and Code Pink: Women for Peace (focusing on foreign policy, especially the war in Iraq) are organizations that have mobilized women as women in an era when other women's groups struggled to maintain critical mass and turned away from non-gender-specific public issues. This article addresses how these organizations fostered collective consciousness among women, a large and diverse group, while confronting the echoes of backlash against previous mobilization efforts by women. We argue that the March and Code Pink achieved mobilization success by creating hybrid organizations that blended elements of three major collective action frames: maternalism, egalitarianism, and feminine expression. These innovative organizations invented hybrid forms that cut across movements, constituencies, and political institutions. Using surveys, interviews, and content analysis of organizational documents, this article explains how the March and Code Pink met the contemporary challenges facing women's collective action in similar yet distinct ways. It highlights the role of feminine expression and concerns about the intersectional marginalization of women in resolving the historic tensions between maternalism and egalitarianism. It demonstrates hybridity as a useful analytical lens to understand gendered organizing and other forms of grassroots collective action. © 2010 American Political Science Association.

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One of the fundamental findings in the congressional literature is that one or sometimes two dimensions can successfully describe roll-call voting. In this paper we investigate if we can reach the same conclusions about low dimensionality when we divide the roll-call agenda into subsets of relatively homogeneous subject matter. We are primarily interested in the degree to which the same ordering of representatives is yielded across these different groups of votes. To conduct our analysis we focus on all roll calls on the 13 annual appropriations bills across eight congresses. When we concentrate on these smaller issue areas, we find that voting is multidimensional and members do not vote in a consistent ideological fashion across all issue areas. Copyright © Southern Political Science Association 2010.

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© 2012 by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.This article reviews the extensive literature on R&D costs and returns. The first section focuses on R&D costs and the various factors that have affected the trends in real R&D costs over time. The second section considers economic studies on the distribution of returns in pharmaceuticals for different cohorts of new drug introductions. It also reviews the use of these studies to analyze the impact of policy actions on R&D costs and returns. The final section concludes and discusses open questions for further research.

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© 2012 by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.This article considers the determinants and effects of M&As in the pharmaceutical industry, with a particular focus on innovation and R&D productivity. As is the case in other industries, mergers in the pharmaceutical field are driven by a variety of company motives and conditions. These include defensive responses to industry shocks as well as more proactive rationales, such as economies of scale and scope, access to new technologies, and expansion to new markets. It is important to take account of firms' characteristics and motivations in evaluating merger performance, rather than using a broad aggregate brushstroke. Research to date on pharmaceuticals suggests considerable variation in both motivation and outcomes. From an antitrust policy standpoint, the larger horizontal mergers in pharmaceuticals have run into few challenges from regulatory authorities in the United States and the European Union, given the option to spin off competing therapeutic products to other drug firms.

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How do our everyday actions shape and transform the world economy? This volume of original essays argues that current scholarship in international political economy (IPE) is too highly focused on powerful states and large international institutions. The contributors examine specific forms of â everyday' actions to demonstrate how small-scale actors and their decisions can shape the global economy. They analyse a range of seemingly ordinary or subordinate actors, including peasants, working classes and trade unions, lower-middle and middle classes, female migrant labourers and Eastern diasporas, and examine how they have agency in transforming their political and economic environments. This book offers a novel way of thinking about everyday forms of change across a range of topical issues including globalisation, international finance, trade, taxation, consumerism, labour rights and regimes. It will appeal to students and scholars of politics, international relations, political economy and sociology.

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Among the signal developments of the last third of the twentieth century has been the emergence of a new politics of human rights. The transnational circulation of norms, networks, and representations has advanced human rights claims in ways that have reshaped global practices. Just as much as the transnational flow of capital, the new human rights politics are part of the phenomenon that has come to be termed globalization. Shifting the focus from the sovereignty of the nation to the rights of individuals, regardless of nationality, the interplay between the local and the global in these new human rights claims are fundamentally redrawing the boundaries between the rights of individuals, states, and the international community. Truth Claims brings together for the first time some of the best new work from a variety of disciplinary and geographic perspectives exploring the making of human rights claims and the cultural politics of their representations. All of the essays, whether dealing with the state and its victims, receptions of human rights claims, or the status of transnational rights claims in the era of globalization, explore the potentialities of an expansive humanistic framework. Here, the authors move beyond the terms -- and the limitations -- of the universalism/relativism debate that has so defined existing human rights literature.