795 resultados para non-governmental organization


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Institutional multilingualism is most often associated with large intergovernmental institutions such as the European Union and the United Nations. Institutional multilingualism in non-governmental organisations (NGOs), however, has remained invisible to a large extent. Like international governmental organisations (IGOs), NGOs operate across linguistic borders. This raises the question whether NGOs use language and translation in the same way as IGOs. The present article takes Amnesty International as a case study, and explores what institutional multilingualism means for this organisation, how it is reflected in its language policy, and how it is put into practice. By gaining insight into the particular case of Amnesty International, this article aims to make a contribution to institutional translation studies.

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Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to investigate the possibilities and problems for collaboration in the area of corporate social responsibility (CSR) and sustainability. The paper explores the nature and concept of collaboration and its forms, and critically evaluates the potential contribution a collaborative approach between agencies might offer to these agendas. Design/methodology/approach: The paper explores different forms of research on collaboration, together with a UK Government report on collaboration, to evaluate how the issue is addressed in theory and practice. Findings: Sustainable development creates extensive challenges for a wide range of agencies, including governments, non-governmental organizations, businesses and civil society. It is unlikely, however, that solutions will be found in any one quarter. Collaboration between agencies in some form would seem a logical step in supporting measures towards a more responsible and environmentally sustainable global economy. Originality/value: The paper offers new insights into developing a research and praxis agenda for collaborative possibilities towards the advancement of CSR and sustainability. © Emerald Group Publishing Limited.

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This paper explores the domestic and international context of Hungary's emerging international development policy. Specifically, it looks at three factors that may influence how this policy operates: membership in the European Union (EU) and potential ‘Europeanization’, Hungary's wider foreign policy strategy, and the influence of domestic stakeholders. In order to uncover how these factors affect the country's international development policy, semi-structured interviews were carried out with the main stakeholders. The main conclusions are: (1) While accession to the EU did play a crucial role in restarting Hungary's international development policy, the integration has had little effect since then; (2) international development policy seems to serve mainly Hungary's regional strategic foreign policy and economic interests, and not its global development goals; and (3) although all the domestic development stakeholders are rather weak, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) still seems to play a dominating role. Convergence with European requirements and best practices is, therefore, clearly hindered by foreign policy interests and also by the weakness of non- governmental stakeholders.

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In the 20th century nature of the world economy has started to change significantly, and the former state-centric constellation disappeared. Several development factors that induced the change are still active and nowadays we live in a much different world. The world economy consists of transnational networks; these complicated systems have a great impact on the world of states. The transnational actors’ (multinational corporations, non-governmental organizations etc) influence became very essential as they are able to mobilize the society, have high expertise (think tanks), but it is also important to note their financial strength and moral effects (norm entrepreneurs).

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Sokoldalú nemzetközi megállapodások és programok foglalkoznak a hulladékok keletkezésének és az országhatárokon átterjedő hatásainak problémájával, a nemzetközi együttműködést szükségessé tevő megoldásokkal. A leginkább átfogó megközelítést a probléma hajtóerőinek szentelt globális programok tartalmazzák, de a fenntarthatóság alapelveire támaszkodó termelési eljárásokra és fogyasztási szokásokra, a zöld gazdaságra való áttérést szorgalmazó dokumentumok nem tartalmaznak számon kérhető kötelezettségeket. A konkrétabb hulladékkeletkezési és hatásterjedési ügyekben – mindenekelőtt a veszélyes hulladékok és a nemzeti fennhatóság alá nem tartozó területekre eljutó vagy ott keletkező hulladékok esetében – jóval konkrétabb nemzetközi megállapodások és programok léteznek. Ezek szabályozási, szakpolitikai, technológiai célokat, feladatokat határoznak meg az országok és az érintett ágazati szereplők szintjén is. Egyes problémák kapcsán és egyes térségekben a hulladékgazdálkodás jelentős eredményeket tud felmutatni, de általában véve a nemzetközi megállapodások hatékony végrehajtásával komoly gondok vannak. Továbbá a meglévő nemzetközi eszközök összességükben még teljes körű végrehajtásuk esetén sem lennének képesek ellensúlyozni a hulladékprobléma globális szintű növekedését. Következésképpen további erőfeszítésekre van szükség – minden kormány, érintett nem-kormányzati szervezet és az ágazatok részéről – különösen a megelőzés vonatkozásában. ____ Various multilateral agreements and programmes deal with the problems of waste generation and its transboundary impacts, and those solutions, which necessitate international co-operation. Those global programmes include the most comprehensive approach, which are dedicated to the drivers of these problems, however, these documents promoting the transition to sustainable production and consumption, or to the green economy do not consist of binding commitments. In case of more concrete issues of waste generation and transboundary impacts there are much more concrete international agreements and programmes, especially, for the hazardous waste streams and the waste transmitted to and/or generated in areas outside national jurisdiction. These determine regulatory, policy, technological goals and tasks for the participating countries and the relevant sectors. Significant progress is demonstrated for some specific problems and in certain regions, but in general, there are serious concerns about the efficient implementation of the international agreements in their entirety. Moreover, even if those were fully accomplished, the existing set of the international instruments would be unable to counterweigh the global increase of the waste problem. Consequently, further efforts are needed by all countries, the relevant non-governmental organisations and sectors, primarily in order to prevent the further global escalation of the problem.

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Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) proliferation was undertaken by the Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) as the next important issue in international relations after the success of the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL). This dissertation focuses on the reasons why the issue of SALW resulted in an Action Program rather than an international convention. Thus, this result was considered as unsuccessful by the advocates of regulating the illicit trade in SALW. The study provides a social movement theoretical approach, using framing, political opportunity and network analysis to explain why the advocates of regulating the illicit trade in SALW did no succeed in their goals. The UN is taken as the arena in which NGOs, States and International Governmental Organizations (IGOs) discussed the illicit trade in SALW. ^ The findings of the study indicate that the political opportunity for the issue of SALW was not ideal. The network of NGOs, States and IGOs was not strong. The NGOs advocating regulation of SALW were divided over the approach of the issue and were part of different coalitions with differing objectives. Despite initial widespread interest among States, only a couple of States were fully committed to the issue till the end. The regional IGOs approached the issue based on their regional priorities and were less interested in an international covenant. The advocates of regulating illicit trade in SALW attempted to frame SALW as a humanitarian issue rather than as a security issue. Thus they were not able to use frame alignment to convince states to treat SALW as a humanitarian issue. In conclusion it can be said that all three items, framing, political opportunity and the network, play a role in the lack of success of advocates for regulating the illicit trade in SALW. ^

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Low-income settlements have high incidences of social and environmental problems due to lack of government intervention; low-income settlements usually rely on community organizations or non-governmental entities to survive. In order to improve the quality of life in these communities, urban upgrading plans must be designed to achieve adequate living conditions. ^ This thesis proposes an urban intervention plan for a low-income settlement called Vila da Barca. This thesis contains three document parts. The first part defines the country, city, and settlement background, including housing and urban issues. The second part contains information gathered from case studies and theories on how similar urban cities around the world have solved their urban development problems. Lastly, the third part proposes a residential development plan that enhances the citizen's needs, such as shelter and safety. The proposed set of criteria applicable to Vila da Barca will serve as an example for other urban intervention projects. ^

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Organizational researchers have recently taken an interest in the ways in which social movements, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and other secondary stakeholders attempt to influence corporate behavior. Scholars, however, have yet to carefully probe the link between secondary stakeholder legal action and target firm stock market performance. This is puzzling given the sharp rise in NGO-initiated civil lawsuits against corporations in recent years for alleged overseas human rights abuses and environmental misconduct. Furthermore, few studies have considered how such lawsuits impact a target firm’s intangible assets, namely its image and reputation. Structured in the form of three essays, this dissertation examined the antecedents and consequences of secondary stakeholder legal activism in both conceptual and empirical settings. ^ Essay One argued that conventional approaches to understanding political risk fail to account for the reputational risks to multinational enterprises (MNEs) posed by transnational networks of human rights NGOs employing litigation-based strategies. It offered a new framework for understanding this emerging challenge to multinational corporate activity. Essay Two empirically tested the relationship between the filing of human rights-related civil lawsuits and corporate stock market performance using an event study methodology and regression analysis. The statistical analysis performed showed that target firms experience a significant decline in share price upon filing and that both industry and nature of the lawsuit are significantly and negatively related to shareholder wealth. Essay Three drew upon social movement and social identity theories to develop and test a set of hypotheses on how secondary stakeholder groups select their targets for human rights-related civil lawsuits. The results of a logistic regression model offered support for the proposition that MNE targets are chosen based on both interest and identity factors. The results of these essays suggest that legal action initiated by secondary stakeholder groups is a new and salient threat to multinational business and that firms doing business in countries with weak political institutions should factor this into corporate planning and take steps to mitigate their exposure to such risks.^

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During the Cold War the foreign policy of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), was heavily criticized by scholars and activists for following the lead of the U.S. state in its overseas operations. In a wide range of states, the AFL-CIO worked to destabilize governments selected by the U.S. state for regime change, while in others the Federation helped stabilize client regimes of the U.S. state. In 1997 the four regional organizations that previously carried out AFL-CIO foreign policy were consolidated into the American Center for International Labor Solidarity (Solidarity Center). My dissertation is an attempt to analyze whether the foreign policy of the AFL-CIO in the Solidarity Center era is marked by continuity or change with past practices. At the same time, this study will attempt to add to the debate over the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the post-Cold War era, and its implications for future study. Using the qualitative "process-tracing" detailed by of Alexander George and Andrew Bennett (2005) my study examines a wide array of primary and secondary sources, including documents from the NED and AFL-CIO, in order to analyze the relationship between the Solidarity Center and the U.S. state from 2002-2009. Furthermore, after analyzing broad trends of NED grants to the Solidarity Center, this study examines three dissimilar case studies including Venezuela, Haiti, and Iraq and the Middle East and North African (MENA) region to further explore the connections between U.S. foreign policy goals and the Solidarity Center operations. The study concludes that the evidence indicates continuity with past AFL-CIO foreign policy practices whereby the Solidarity Center follows the lead of the U.S. state. It has been found that the patterns of NED funding indicate that the Solidarity Center closely tailors its operations abroad in areas of importance to the U.S. state, that it is heavily reliant on state funding via the NED for its operations, and that the Solidarity Center works closely with U.S. allies and coalitions in these regions. Finally, this study argues for the relevance of "top-down" NGO creation and direction in the post-Cold War era.

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This poster presentation will exhibit the ongoing design work within two small islands adjacent to Diner Key Marina gifted by the City of Miami to the non-profit organization, Shake-A-Leg. This organization works to blur the lines between access, recreation, and skill, redefining what is possible. Abled and disabled children, adolescents, and young adults go to Shake-A-Leg to participate in a myriad of activities such as sailing, kayaking, swimming, painting, and socializing in these islands regardless of their inadequate walkways and installations. The users are people from different social statuses, physical and mental abilities. This poster will exhibit the design proposal to enhance the islands’ infrastructure to provide seamless access to all its visitors through the lush habitat in these islands. The proposed program challenges the disabilities of the person and helps them to mediate and transform them into new possibilities and abilities. The program proposes ten components which include a nature trail, restrooms, dinning center, art studio, and observation deck. The design of each space draws from the sailing boat to create solutions were the user will explore, participate and enjoy. The location encourages a feeling of challenge but at the same time it is a place for relief and freedom, allowing them to discover the diversity through experimentation and interaction with the environment. This poster presents design principles that value equal access and experience, celebrating the differences among users and the environment, blurring the lines between nature and access.

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The study aimed to understand the concept of women with physical disabilities about their ability to gestate, give birth or care a child. This is an exploratory, descriptive study with qualitative approach developed in three non-governmental organizations in Natal, Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil. The data collection occurred in the period from April to June, 2014, through semi-structured interviews, using a script composed by sociodemographic questions and a guiding one. It was obtained a priori the permission from the association’s directors, the approval from the Research Ethics Committee, of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte, CAAE nº 27442814.7.0000.5537 and the assent n° 618.045, as well as the participant’s formal authorization by signing the Informed Consent Statement. Participated in the study 12 women, selected according to the following inclusion criteria: to have physical disability, to be aged 18 to 49 years old, and to affirm the existence of limiting characteristics from early childhood (0-3 years). The information obtained in the interviews were subjected to the precepts of Content Analysis according to Bardin, under the thematic analysis technique. From this process, three categories emerged: Conceiving motherhood in front of disability; Conceiving the capacity to be mother with disability; and Conceiving the support during pregnancy and puerperium period. As the theoretical framework we adopted the principles of symbolic interactionism proposed by Blumer. The discussion was supported by literature findings on women's health care in the context of reproduction. The interviewees conceive motherhood as an accomplishment and believe in their own ability to gestate, give birth and care a child. However, the desire for the maternal role tends to be influenced by adverse feelings and limitations raised by disability, social barriers and prejudices. They also referred the importance of support from partner, family and health professionals in the care of child. Upon these findings, it is understood that although there are barriers to the realization of their desire, these barriers were not enough to make them give up on becoming a mother. Therefore, it is necessary that health professionals, highlighted the nurse, be trained to care for women with disabilities in the context of reproductive health care in order to offer adequate support to their needs

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This work test the relationship of performance and legal form of microfinance institutions (MFI), in our work MFI can be banks, non-governmental organizations (NGO), cooperatives, non-banks financial institutions (NBFI) or rural banks. We use linear regression model, panel data and variables dummy for the legal forms. Our samples are 243 MFI from all continents, except North America, in the period from 2007 to 2012. We found that bigger MFI generates higher profit, higher returns and higher self-sufficiency rates, so the growing can be a way for consolidation of MFI. For smaller MFI a way can be assimilation or merging with other MFI. Cooperatives, non-bank financial institutions and rural banks can serve more customers, causing greater impact on society, and get higher returns. This suggests the most appropriate legal form for microfinance market can be cooperatives, non-banks financial institutions or rural banks balancing social orientation and profit orientation.

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This work aims at reconstructing the formulation process of PRONERA (National Program of Education in Agrarian Reform). A public policy that had its first ideas conceived within social movements and afterwards, made possible by diligences of then government. Therefore, the Program was rendered in a partnership among State, social movement, public institutions, and non-governmental organizations. As a goal, we intend to grasp both what motivated the choice for this proposal as a strategy to face educational problems in rural areas and how the actors, entities involved in this enterprise and the social-political context have influenced its formulation and entry in the governmental agenda as Public Policy. Thus, we reconstruct the history and education policy of and in rural areas. Besides, we seek to understand the context of PRONERA's conception, the factors that have influenced its creation and the actors' performances in the process. It is assumed that under the 1988 Constitution, civil society was provided with legal conditions for the active participation in political process and, consequently, in the public policy-making. We conclude, then, that PRONERA was the result of the crossing of three different flows (problems, solutions and policies) advocated by the Kingdon model. As a result, this analytical repertoire was useful to explain PRONERA’s entry in the government agenda, helping to understand how the chances of this social demand increased with an action from the politic community. It allowed its way in the government agenda as well as its becoming a public policy.

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The study of chemical reactions is among the most important contents to the understanding of Chemistry discipline in basic education. However, there are still few studies about chemical reactions as a complex system because, generally, this content is presented in textbooks, taught and even researched in a fragmented form. The thesis here presented aims to investigate, identify and characterize the mistakes and learning difficulties of the students about chemical reactions as a complex system, using for that purpose the analysis of the answers of 126 exams of candidates for the bachelor’s degree in Chemistry Teaching on the entrance exam for the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte (UFRN). The mistakes and learning difficulties about the parameters ΔG°, Kp, Ea and of the calculation of the amount of substance in a chemical reaction have been identified, as well as the levels of development of the ability to interpret the chemical reaction as a system. The main theoretical source of this study is structured based on the mistakes and learning difficulties (NÚÑEZ, RAMALHO, 2012), of the chemical reactions as complex systems (NÚÑEZ, 1994; RESHETOVA, 1988; SANDERSON, 1968). As methodology, it was prioritized the analysis of the answers to the exams and the interview with the teachers. The results showed typical mistakes in the study of this subject, especially low levels and skill development. No student was able to integrate the different aspects in the systemic understanding of the chemical reaction. From the interviews with Chemistry teachers from High School, it was determined the reasons the teachers assign to those mistakes and learning difficulties. The interviews revealed that the teachers do not work in the perspective of integration of the contents which leads the students to present difficulties and make mistakes related to the content previously mentioned. The study presents a proposal for the organization of the contents of Chemistry discipline for High School as a possibility of a dialectic systemic integration of contents, understanding that this systematic vision, leads to important contributions to the development of the theoretical thinking of the students. We can mention as one of the conclusions of this study, the fact that the non-systemic organization of contents do not favor this kind of thinking in students.

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This dissertation analyzed the existing work on travestility and transsexuality whose problematic research focused on issues related to health and / or health services. For this purpose, a Literature Review Systematized Descriptive in virtual databases was performed: Bank of Higher Education Personnel Improvement Coordination Thesis (CAPES), Brazilian Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations (BDTD), Scielo and PubMed, between the years 1997 and 2014 in Brazil. We used the search terms "transsexual," "transvestite" and "transgender", each associated with the search term "health", in Portuguese and English. Complementing this search, we used the Documentary Analysis methodology to assess pamphlets productions, institutional documents and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), which were incorporated into the discussion. 295 papers were identified, among theses, dissertations and scientific articles. Of these, 223 were excluded and 72 selected for analysis. Thus, it obtained five theses and dissertations 21 on the topic of travestility and 7 theses and dissertations 9 that deal with transsexuality. Among the selected papers, 16 deal with transsexuality and health, 5 address the issue of travestility and health and work, 9 refer to the term "transgender" and "health". Even though it is an emerging field of research, there is an apparent deviation of the speech, previously anchored in questions whose topics are related to confrontation, infection or illness by HIV / AIDS (level of specialized care) for discussions on the health care for transsexuals in the process (level of specialized care). Still, few papers have specific trans attention in primary care associated with a comprehensive health care, with the empowerment of individuals, respecting the power of life, which are configured as important issues for the Public Policy on Health today.