904 resultados para neo-liberal governmentality
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BACKGROUND: Patency of small synthetic bypass grafts is inferior compared to autologous grafts for revascularization procedures. Titanium coating of foreign surfaces has shown to decrease thrombogenicity, enhance biocompatibility and promote adhesion of endothelial cells. The aim of this study was to test the effect of titanium coating of small diameter ePTFE grafts on short term patency, neo-endothelialization and neointimal proliferation. METHODS: Bilateral carotid graft interposition was performed in 5 pigs with uncoated (n=5) and titanium-coated (n=5) ePTFE grafts (internal diameter=4 mm, length=5 cm), thus each pig served as its own control. At the end of the study (30 +/- 3 days), patency and stenosis severity was assessed by carotid angiography. Animals were sacrificed and grafts were excised for histology and scanning electron microscopy. Morphometry of histologic sections was carried out to determine neointimal proliferation and percentage of neo-endothelial coverage. RESULTS: Patency rate was 80% for uncoated and titanium-coated grafts. Quantitative angiography did not show any significant difference in lumen size between two groups. Morphometry revealed a significantly higher cellular coverage with CD31 positive endothelial cells for titanium-coated (84 +/- 19%) than uncoated grafts (48 +/- 26%, p<0.001). There was a non significant trend (p=0.112) towards increased neointimal proliferation in titanium-coated (94 +/- 61 micron2/micron) compared to uncoated grafts (60 +/- 57 micron2/micron). CONCLUSIONS: Patency rate in uncoated and titanium-coated ePTFE grafts is similar at one month. However, titanium coated grafts show a significant improvement in neo-endothelialization compared to uncoated grafts.
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BACKGROUND: The aim of this multicenter trial was to prospectively evaluate neo-adjuvant chemotherapy followed by extrapleural pneumonectomy (EPP) and radiotherapy, including quality of life as outcome. PATIENTS AND METHODS: Eligible patients had malignant pleural mesothelioma of all histological types, World Health Organization performance status of zero to two and clinical stage T1-T3, N0-2, M0 disease considered completely resectable. Neo-adjuvant chemotherapy consisted of three cycles of cisplatin and gemcitabine followed by EPP. Postoperative radiotherapy was considered for all patients. RESULTS: In all, 58 of 61 patients completed three cycles of neo-adjuvant chemotherapy. Forty-five patients (74%) underwent EPP and in 37 patients (61%) the resection was complete. Postoperative radiotherapy was initiated in 36 patients. The median survival of all patients was 19.8 months [95% confidence interval (CI) 14.6-24.5]. For the 45 patients undergoing EPP, the median survival was 23 months (95% CI 16.6-32.9). Psychological distress showed minor variations over time with distress above the cut-off score indicating no morbidity with 82% (N = 36) at baseline and 76% (N = 26) at 3 months after surgery (P = 0.5). CONCLUSIONS: The observed rate of operability is promising. A median survival of 23 months for patients undergoing EPP compares favourably with the survival reported from single center studies of upfront surgery. This approach was not associated with an increase in psychological distress.
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Cell death induction by apoptosis is an important process in the maintenance of tissue homeostasis as well as tissue destruction during various pathological processes. Consequently, detection of apoptotic cells in situ represents an important technique to assess the extent and impact of cell death in the respective tissue. While scoring of apoptosis by histological assessment of apoptotic cells is still a widely used method, it is likely biased by sensitivity problems and observed-based variations. The availability of caspase-mediated neo-epitope-specific antibodies offers new tools for the detection of apoptosis in situ. Here, we discuss the use of immunohistochemical detection of cleaved caspase 3 and lamin A for the assessment of apoptotic cells in paraffin-embedded liver tissue. Furthermore, we evaluate the effect of tissue pretreatment and antigen retrieval on the sensitivity of apoptosis detection, background staining and maintenance of tissue morphology.
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In this dissertation, the National Survey of Student Engagement (NSSE) serves as a nodal point through which to examine the power relations shaping the direction and practices of higher education in the twenty-first century. Theoretically, my analysis is informed by Foucault’s concept of governmentality, briefly defined as a technology of power that influences or shapes behavior from a distance. This form of governance operates through apparatuses of security, which include higher education. Foucault identified three essential characteristics of an apparatus—the market, the milieu, and the processes of normalization—through which administrative mechanisms and practices operate and govern populations. In this project, my primary focus is on the governance of faculty and administrators, as a population, at residential colleges and universities. I argue that the existing milieu of accountability is one dominated by the neoliberal assumption that all activity—including higher education—works best when governed by market forces alone, reducing higher education to a market-mediated private good. Under these conditions, what many in the academy believe is an essential purpose of higher education—to educate students broadly, to contribute knowledge for the public good, and to serve as society’s critic and social conscience (Washburn 227)—is being eroded. Although NSSE emerged as a form of resistance to commercial college rankings, it did not challenge the forces that empowered the rankings in the first place. Indeed, NSSE data are now being used to make institutions even more responsive to market forces. Furthermore, NSSE’s use has a normalizing effect that tends to homogenize classroom practices and erode the autonomy of faculty in the educational process. It also positions students as part of the system of surveillance. In the end, if aspects of higher education that are essential to maintaining a civil society are left to be defined solely in market terms, the result may be a less vibrant and, ultimately, a less just society.
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Are Feminism and Monotheistic Religions Compatible? Dr. Roberta K. Ray How compatible are the three major monotheistic religions (Christianity, Islam, and Judaism) with feminism and the goal of equal rights for women in Western democracies? A special focus is on how Christian religions have functioned as a barrier to equal rights for women in the United States from Colonial period through the 21st century. Religion and Liberal Democracy: Are They Philosophically Compatible? Dr. John W. Ray American government is based on liberal democratic political theory. Based on an examination of the political philosophies of Locke, Mill, Rousseau, Hegel, Emerson and Rawls, Ray concludes that adherence to a liberal democratic political ideology is fundamentally incompatible with a religious grounding of political reality.
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The article reflects on the difficult relation between community work against domestic violence and local crime prevention under the conditions of the neoliberal state that cuts down on social benefits and promotes self-help, active citizenship and self-responsibility instead while at the same time restoring the punishing state with its strict regime of law-and-order. The author describes a project Tarantula - she started herself while being a social worker in Hamburg, Germany. Tarantula was aimed at strengthening social networks and the neighbours' willingness to get involved in favour of affected women. Although conceptualized as an emancipatory approach referring to community organizing in the tradition of social movements it is questionable whether and how this can really work in the current situation. At present, the field of crime control is being reconfigured as a result of political and administrative decisions, which, for their part, are based on a new structure of social relations and cultural attitudes. The demolition of the 'welfare state' means the re-coding of the security policy that facilitates the development of interventionist techniques that govern and control individuals through their own ability to act.
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Kevin Stenson’s article offers a powerful argument for examining governmentality in particular local configurations rather than as relatively abstract and text-centred studies of changing mentalities and rationalities of rule. I think this is an important endeavour, partly because more situated analyses of governmentality are necessary to enrich the analytical (and political) significance of the perspective; and partly because the view from governmentality has a capacity to enrich our understandings of governance, policy and practice. Kevin’s own discussion of community safety in the Thames Valley area demonstrates just how much such a situated analysis might add to an understanding of liberal rule in England in the 21st century. Let me highlight four points that I think are absolutely central to that analysis:
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I am flattered and privileged to have received four such astute critiques of my work from an international cast. I will reflect at length about many of their points in future work but to respond fully would require a very long article and so I will highlight some of the more salient issues. The authors share misgivings about my commitment to a realist version of governmentality theory so I will try to articulate a bit more clearly how it is different from two major alternative perspectives highlighted by the authors: what I term a `discursive` governmentality perspective (Stenson 2005), and the neo-Marxist regulationist school of political economy. However, deeper normative questions are raised, for example by Wendy Larner, about what it means to be progressive or critical within the broad terrain of liberalism (which can include neo-liberals and neo-conservatives) in the wake of the collapse of communism and much of the power of western labour movements, the rise of the new emancipatory and environmental social movements and varieties of religious fundamentalism. As social scientists and university intellectuals we usually argue that our work differs from journalistic reportage or ideological polemics that gather supportive evidence through selective fact gathering. This is because we dig beneath the flux of events and surface appearances and debates to uncover the deeper structures of thought and social relations that shape our experiences and the flow of events. And we also engage with contrary evidence that troubles our truth claims. This is the work of theory. I accept that theory plays a vital role but argue for a more grounded approach rooted in empirical research using a variety of methods and data sources. Hence I adopt a more cautious approach to conceptions of the `deeper structures` we uncover. At best we can only know them through provisional heuristic modelling and it is best not to reify them.
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The German chancellor and leader of the German conservative party, Angela Merkel, said in an interview a few weeks ago: “Nobody could have imagined a few months ago to what extent we would be pushed into state intervention programs. Of course, Merkel spoke on, this intervention is not easy for anybody. Therefore, she recommended turning back to the former course as soon as possible” (tagesschau.de, 11. März 2008, zit. nach Bildzeitungsinterview mit Angela Merkel, own translation). The worldwide celebrated new president of the United States, Barack Obama, said in an interview on CBS-News a few weeks before Merkel: “(...) there's no doubt that we have not been able yet to reset the confidence in the financial markets and in the consumer markets and among businesses that allow the economy to move forward in a strong way. And my job as president is gonna be to make sure that we restore that confidence“ (CBS News, 16. November 2008, Obama On Economic Crisis, Transition; http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2008/11/16/60minutes/main4607893.shtml; Stand: 16. April 2009).
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The UK's liberal-cum-democratic welfare regime has led to a more developed state-sponsored youth work than in the majority of continental Europe, where a corporatist welfare regime has held sway (Esping Andersen 1990). To this extent British Youth Work has been more susceptible to governmental intervention. Nevertheless the ascendancy of neo-liberalism across the last three decades has disturbed significantly all models of the Welfare State, expressed in the impact of 'New Managerialism'. Thus we are seeing a convergence towards an imposed, instrumental, output-driven approach to the delivery of both education and welfare. In both the UK and continental Europe youth workers and social workers are confronted with intrusive interventions and demands from governments, which are utterly at odds with their shared desire to start from 'where young people are at'. In this paper we sketch the emergence of a campaign within Youth Work, which seeks to oppose and resist its transformation into an agency of social engineering. In contrast we stand for an emancipatory Youth Work committed to social change. In telling our story thus far we hope to reach out to and make alliances with workers across Europe sympathetic to our cause.
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This essay describes and analyzes the legal regime of the United States in relation to language diversity. The article argues that the U.S. case in language law indicates that, under certain conditions, a liberal individualistic legal regime – marked by equal “freedom of choice” in respect to language use – can nevertheless serve as an agency of linguistic assimilation in a multilingual country.
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Notch is an intercellular signaling pathway related mainly to sprouting neo-angiogenesis. The objective of our study was to evaluate the angiogenic mechanisms involved in the vascular augmentation (sprouting/intussusception) after Notch inhibition within perfused vascular beds using the chick area vasculosa and MxCreNotch1(lox/lox) mice. In vivo monitoring combined with morphological investigations demonstrated that inhibition of Notch signaling within perfused vascular beds remarkably induced intussusceptive angiogenesis (IA) with resultant dense immature capillary plexuses. The latter were characterized by 40 % increase in vascular density, pericyte detachment, enhanced vessel permeability, as well as recruitment and extravasation of mononuclear cells into the incipient transluminal pillars (quintessence of IA). Combination of Notch inhibition with injection of bone marrow-derived mononuclear cells dramatically enhanced IA with 80 % increase in vascular density and pillar number augmentation by 420 %. Additionally, there was down-regulation of ephrinB2 mRNA levels consequent to Notch inhibition. Inhibition of ephrinB2 or EphB4 signaling induced some pericyte detachment and resulted in up-regulation of VEGFRs but with neither an angiogenic response nor recruitment of mononuclear cells. Notably, Tie-2 receptor was down-regulated, and the chemotactic factors SDF-1/CXCR4 were up-regulated only due to the Notch inhibition. Disruption of Notch signaling at the fronts of developing vessels generally results in massive sprouting. On the contrary, in the already existing vascular beds, down-regulation of Notch signaling triggered rapid augmentation of the vasculature predominantly by IA. Notch inhibition disturbed vessel stability and led to pericyte detachment followed by extravasation of mononuclear cells. The mononuclear cells contributed to formation of transluminal pillars with sustained IA resulting in a dense vascular plexus without concomitant vascular remodeling and maturation.
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It seems to be impossible for the liberal state to embrace a Christian identity, because ‘liberalism’ is exactly a device for separating state and religion. Discussing the implications of a recent decision of the European Court of Human Rights, Lautsi v. Italy (2011), I argue that this is not necessarily so. If paired with a liberal commitment to pluralism, a Christian identity might even be more inclusive of minority religions than a narrowly ‘liberal’ state identity, which has been the dominant response in Western Europe to the challenge of immigrant diversity, especially that of Muslim origins.