922 resultados para mortgagees’ powers


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The thesis presents the study relative to the collaboration between suppliers and buyers in packaging industry with the impact of product features. The main purpose of this study is to examine the importance of product characteristics on collaboration to develop better packaging and to figure out how buyer-supplier collaboration in the supply chain perspectives is conducted and managed in packaging industry. The theoretical part reviewed some basic frameworks of collaboration including the scopes and levels of collaboration, risks as well as powers of collaboration, relationship and some key factors for successful collaboration. Followed by the overviews of packaging industry with the main issues related to product characteristics in packaging. By using the qualitative method, secondary data consisting of articles, reports, websites and primary data through interviewing some well-known packaging companies and case companies are collected in the thesis. The empirical result emphasized the importance of product features’ analysis in packaging industry since it plays a central role in the materials, design process, production and innovation with the role of collaboration. Collaboration in packaging is vital for packaging companies to survive and grow in the competitive environment. Finally, some key factors for effective collaboration were summarized based on the perspectives of packaging companies. It is highly recommend building a long-run collaboration with their customers due to undeniable benefits With increasingly importance of collaboration in packaging industry, further studies may be conducted.

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The thesis interprets the caveat of Article 194(2) TFEU in order to assess the use of the Article as a legal basis for energy provisions provided by the European Union. The research subject is the Energy Title in the Treaty of the Functioning of the European Union and the possibilities of the application of the legal basis provided therein. The purpose is analysis of the possibilities for providing of provisions within the scope of the caveat found in Article 194(2) TFEU with special regard to the possibilities of providing renewable energy legislation. The purpose of the thesis is on one hand to provide an overview of the premises for providing of energy provisions in the EU, and on the other hand to analyse the Treaty text in order to determine the legal basis for energy provisions. The ultimate objective is to determine the correct legal basis for renewable energy provisions, aimed at the mitigation of climate change. According to Article 194(2) TFEU, the practice of the shared legislative powers in the field of energy are restricted by the retention of certain energy matters within the power of the Member States. The wording of the caveat containing the restrictions is open to interpretation and has been a subject of extensive discussion. Many scholars have argued that the caveat in Article 194(2) TFEU might obstruct decision-making in energy matters. This argument is contested, and the factual impact of the codification of the energy competences is analysed. The correct legal basis for energy provisions depends on the final interpretation of the text of the caveat and the level of significance of the effect of the measure. The use of Article 194(2) TFEU as a legal basis might not be the only option. There is a possibility that the legal bases within the Environmental Title might be used as legal bases for energy provisions in addition to Article 194(2) TFEU.

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This paper analyses reasons of the instability of the world monetary system. The author considers this problem from historical and contemporary perspectives. According to presented point of view banknotes and electronic money which replaced gold and silver coins in popular circulation are the most important reason of the instability. There are also proven positive and negative consequences of money instability. Reforms of the world monetary system need agreement within the global collective hegemony of state-powers and transnational corporations.

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ABSTRACT This paper aims to analyze the concept of emerging power established to the understanding of international affairs. The work observes that the use of the lexicon emerging - regarding to markets, countries or powers - as qualifier for a range of international relations phenomena became a constituent part of the matter. In spite of that, the empirical denotation of the predicate is ahead of the amount of efforts on its theoretical contextualization. Our methodological hypothesis is that the rational denial of the concepts prevailing connotative spectrum by acknowledging the embedded wisdom about cognate phenomena synthesizes a theoretical framework on its accurate use.

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The return of the Porkkala naval base, which was leased to the Soviet Union at the end of World War II was unexpectedly returned in early 1956, 42 years before the USSR's lease on the area was to expire. There is no commonly accepted reason, and therefore the purpose of this work is to study the possible motives behind the return of Porkkala. These seem to have been reflected in the new foreign policy after the death of Stalin, which went far beyond returning Porkkala to Finland. The Soviet Union's courting of the non-aligned powers during this time, into which category Finland was assigned, also seems to be more than coincidence. However, the greater events of 1956, and the fact that Porkkala is remembered almost exclusively in Finland may have conspired to trap the events around Porkkala into the smaller narrative of Finnish-Soviet relations and the rise of Kekkonen to the presidency, due in no small part to his presence in negotiating the return of Porkkala. However this does not negate the message that Porkkala was intended to broadcast the USSR's new approach to neutrality. Through primary and secondary sources, gleaned from archives in Finland, memoirs of people involved, and historical literature, this thesis hopes to broaden the view that Porkkala's main and only significance lay in the changes it brought to Finnish-Soviet relations.

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Back Row: Paul Jackson (Asst. Coach), Paul DeGagne (Manager), Angelo Pontello, Yvan Prevost, Greg Foy, Ken Murray, Steve Ashfield, Rick Berard, Andy MacMillan, Kelly Toppazzini, Carl Van Bolderen, John Dakin, Loran Prentice, Joe Kenny (Trainer), Ron Anderson (Coach) Front Row: Logan Trafford, Mark Warren, Pat Gallagher, Phil Powers, Daryl Clancy, Ted Sawicki, Gord Christie, John Hogg, Brian Onifrichuk, Doug Riopelle, Shawn Barry Absent: Paul Hanley, Brad MacMillan, Rico Schirru, Mike Quinn (Asst. Coach)

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A study of intergovernmental relations in the area of the environment will determine whether the current Canadian federal structure represents a dangerous impediment to the promotion of sustainable development. This paper examines the interjurisdictional quagmire that has developed from the fact that authority over the environment is a functionally concurrent field for the two orders of government. A history of federal-provincial relations in the area of environmental protection is followed by an analysis of the advantages and disadvantages associated with competitive and cooperative federalism. For the purpose of this paper, cooperative federalism is characterized by the presence of a formal institutional system to facilitate interaction between politicians and bureaucrats from both orders of government. Competitive federalism is defined as a system that lacks a formal institutional structure to promote discussion and coordination between federal and provincial officials in a specific field of interest. Last, I examine thirty sustainable development issues following the structure established in Agenda 21 to determine the impact of the present federal system on the development of these objectives. This study concludes that Canadian federalism is not a dangerous impediment to the promotion of sustainable development. Cooperative federalism in a form that does not eliminate the ability of governments to revert to competition promotes the emergence of an institutional system that facilitates information-sharing and discussion between the two orders of government, thus leading to coordinated efforts in the field of the environment. Respect for the current division of powers in this area is also essential to the cohesiveness of Canadian society. Policy-makers and advocates for a sustainable society should focus on working within the present system.

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Nothing today affects the lives of people in countries throughout the industrialized and developing world as much as international trade. Nowhere is this more true than in Canada. Canada's involvement in international trade has a long history dating back to 1854 when it was a British colony. As a major trading country, Canada has always adopted a proactive industrial policy which has been largely responsible for its relative economic prosperi ty. But, wi th businesses now free to invest and divest under the terms of the CUFTA and the NAFTA, the most fundamental concerns for Canadians, in a borderless world, are what powers will the Canadian government have to shape industrial policy, and to what extent can Canada continue as a viable nationstate if it can no longer control its national economy? These are important concerns because, in world without borders, the adjustment process becomes more volatile and more difficult to manage. The CUFTA and the NAFTA not only create the rules for conducting trade, but they also establish a set of new rules for the Canadian government that will diminish its power. As a member of a new North American trading bloc, Canada will find itself subject to a set of forces requiring analysis beyond participation in a conventional free trade area. Because many of the traditional levers of government will now be subject to external control imposed by these agreements, Canada will not be able to mount certain policies in the future that it has relied on in the past. This reality limits the pro-active role of the Canadian state to use policies and programmes for the country's immediate national development. What this thesis attempts is an examination of the evolution of Canadian industrial policy, in effect, the transi tion from Fordism to Neoconservatism, and an assessment of Canada's future as a nation-state as it tries to find security and improved access in a free trade arrangement. Unless Canada takes steps to neutralize the asymmetry of power between itself and the United States through adjustment programmes, it is the contention of this thesis that its economic future is anything but stable.

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Abstract . Rights jiirisprudence in Canada dates back as far as Confederation in 1867. Between this date and 1982, the organizing principle of Confederation - federalism - has kept this jurisprudence solely within the supremacy of Parliament, subject to its confines and division of powers. After 1982, however, a new constitutional organizing principle was introduced, when Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau introduced the patriation initiative, touted as the "people's package". Individual rights and freedoms were now guaranteed by the Constitution. Citizens of Canada now had a direct link to the Constitution via the Charter and there were now two significantly different organizing principles within the constitutional order widch created an unstable coexistence. This instability has led to a clash between judicially enforced Charter rights and federalism. The Charter has since had both a nationalizing and centralizing effect on Canadian federalism. This thesis explores the relationship between rights and federalism in Canada fix)m Confederation to present day by comparing the jurisprudence of pre and post Charter Canada. An analysis of Supreme Court's (and its predecessor's, the JCPC) decisions shows the profound effect the Charter has had on Canadian federalism. The result has been an undermining of federalism in Canada, with Parliamentary Supremacy replaced by Constitutional supremacy, and ultimately. Judicial Supremacy. Moreover, rights discourse has largely replaced federalism discourse. Canadians have become very attached to their Charter, and are unwilling to allow any changes to the constitution that may affect their rights as political elites discovered the hard way after the collapse of the Meech and Charlottetown Accords. If federalism is to remain a relevant and viable organizing principle in the Constitution, then governments, especially at the provincial level, must find new and iimovative ways to assert their importance within the federation.

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This investigation comprises a comparison of experimental and theoretical dechanneling of MeV protons in copper single crystals. Dechanneling results when an ion's transverse energy increases to the value where the ion can undergo small impact parameter collisions with individual atoms. Depth dependent dechanneling rates were determined as functions of lattice temperature, ion beam energy and crystal axis orientation. Ion beam energies were IMeV and 2MeV,temperatures ranged from 35 K to 280 K and the experiment was carried out along both the (lOa) and <110) axes. Experimental data took the form of aligned and random Rutherford backscattered energy spectra. Dechanneling rates were extracted from these spectra using a single scattering theory that took explicit account of the different stopping powers experienced by channeled and dechanneled ions and also included a correction factor to take into account multiple scattering effects along the ion's trajectory. The assumption of statistical equilibrium and small angle scattering of the channeled ions allows a description of dechanneling in terms of the solution of a diffusion like equation which contains a so called diffusion function. The diffusion function is shown to be related to the increase in average transverse energy. Theoretical treatments of increase in average transverse energy due to collisions of projectiles with channel electrons and thermal perturbations in the lattice potential are reviewed. Using the diffusion equation and the electron density in the channel centre as a fitting parameter dechanneling rates are extracted. Excellent agreement between theory and experiment has been demonstrated. Electron densities determined in the fitting procedure appear to be realistic. The surface parameters show themselves to be good indicators of the quality of the crystal.

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The optical conductivity of the Anderson impurity mode l has been calculated by emp l oying the slave boson technique and an expansion in powers of l i N, where N is the d egeneracy o f the f electron level . This method has been used to find the effective mass of the conduction electrons for temperatures above and below the Kondo tempera ture. For low temperatures, the mass enhancement is f ound to be large while a t high t emperatures, the mass enhancement is sma ll. The conductivity i s f ound to be Drude like with frequency dependent effective mass and scattering time for low independent effective mass and temperatures and scattering time f requency for high t emperatures. The behavior of both the effective mass and the conductivity is in qualitative agreement with experimental r esul t s .

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The thesis assesses the impact of international factors on relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots during and after the Cold War. Through an analysis of the Cyprus problem it explores both why external actors intervene in communal conflicts and how they influence relations between ethnic groups in plural societies. The analytical framework employed throughout the study draws on contributions of International Relations theorists and students of ethnic conflict. The thesis argues that, as in the global political system, relations between ethnic groups in unranked communal systems are anarchic; that is, actors within the system do not recognize a sovereign political authority. In bipolar communal systems dominated by two relatively equal groups, the struggle for security and power often leads to appeals for assistance from external actors. The framework notes that neighboring states and Great Powers may heed calls for assistance, or intervene without a prior request, if it is in their interest to do so. The convergence of regional and global interests in communal affairs exacerbates ethnic conflicts and precludes the development of effective political institutions. The impact of external intervention in ethnic conflicts has the potential to alter the basis of communal relations. The Cyprus problem is examined both during and after the Cold War in order to gauge how global and regional actors and the structure of their respective systems have affected relations between ethnic groups in Cyprus. The thesis argues that Cyprus's descent into civil war in 1963 was due in part to the entrenchment of external interests in the Republic's constitution. The study also notes that power politics involving the United States, Soviet Union, Greece and Turkey continued to affect the development of communal relations throughout the 1960s, 70s, and, 80s. External intervention culminated in July and August 1974, after a Greek sponsored coup was answered by Turkey's invasion and partition of Cyprus. The forced expulsion of Greek Cypriots from the island's northern territories led to the establishment of ethnically homogeneous zones, thus altering the context of communal relations dramatically. The study also examines the role of the United Nations in Cyprus, noting that its failure to settle the dispute was due in large part to a lack of cooperation from Turkey, and the United States' and Soviet Union's acceptance of the status quo following the 1974 invasion and partition of the island. The thesis argues that the deterioration of Greek-Turkish relations in the post-Cold War era has made a solution to the dispute unlikely for the time being. Barring any dramatic changes in relations between communal and regional antagonists, relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots will continue to develop along the lines established in July/August 1974. The thesis concludes by affirming the validity of its core hypotheses through a brief survey of recent works touching on international politics and ethnic conflict. Questions requiring further research are noted as are elements of the study that require further refinement.

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Raman scattering in the region 20 to 100 cm -1 for fused quartz, "pyrex" boro-silicate glass, and soft soda-lime silicate glass was investigated. The Raman spectra for the fused quartz and the pyrex glass were obtained at room temperature using the 488 nm exciting line of a Coherent Radiation argon-ion laser at powers up to 550 mW. For the soft soda-lime glass the 514.5 nm exciting line at powers up to 660 mW was used because of a weak fluorescence which masked the Stokes Raman spectrum. In addition it is demonstrated that the low-frequency Raman coupling constant can be described by a model proposed by Martin and Brenig (MB). By fitting the predicted spectra based on the model with a Gaussian, Poisson, and Lorentzian forms of the correlation function, the structural correlation radius (SCR) was determined for each glass. It was found that to achieve the best possible fit· from each of the three correlation functions a value of the SCR between 0.80 and 0.90 nm was required for both quartz and pyrex glass but for the soft soda-lime silicate glass the required value of the SCR. was between 0.50 and 0.60 nm .. Our results support the claim of Malinovsky and Sokolov (1986) that the MB model based on a Poisson correlation function provides a universal fit to the experimental VH (vertical and horizontal polarizations) spectrum for any glass regardless of its chemical composition. The only deficiency of the MB model is its failure to fit the experimental depolarization spectra.

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Phe Ihesis examines the evolution of the -policies of the People fs Jtenublie of China towards J?hail°nd, PTal ysia, Singapore, Iidonesia pad the Philip-pines, organised in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations from 1969 to 1975• 2ze first central point of this study is an *ir sumption that the foreign relations of The People's Tepublic of Chi la Towards Southeast ^sia have been motivated by a dynamic interplay of t^o main factors: (1) Farxist-Leninist ideology and ICao J^e-tung Ph^ught, which dictate to China to behave as a revolutionary Dover vhich must assist the insurgent movements in the area in their strug fle to overthrow the local governments; (2) national interest, vhich demands of China to safeguard the southern flank of her territory bordering on Southerst 'sia through Friendly relations, trade and ot*»er conventional inrtniments of diplomacy. hile the tvo main motive factors are nuTually antagonistic and exclusivet the Chinere leaders are nevertheless at te mi ting to oring them iirco a coherent policy under Mao's theory of tve {hniity of op-nosites," vhich believes that it is -possible to reconcile these co-posing tendencies into a dynamic enuibrium through vhich both opnosites could be promoted at the same time although not to the same extent* la other words, the Chinese leaders conceive the dynamic equilibrium as a continuum between them in a mix in which one or the other orientation predominates in different •periods* Bins we might see China1 s conduct motivated in one period by mostly ideological considerations at the expense of the staire-to-state relations, then ve might see her policy in the middle of the continuum and suf ering from immo bill sine and just muddling through, or finally ?fe might see her emphasising friendly ties at the expense of support of revolutionary movements at the other extreme -point of the spectrum* !fhe mechanism vhich enables Peking to move from one pole to the other of the spectrum is activated by the following elementsJ (1) the result of an internal power struggle within the leadership in Peking between ideologically radical and moderate elements, which enables the victorious faction to initiate nev policies; (2) Peking's assessment of the changing intentions and capabilities of the major powers in the area; (3) internal changes within the countries of the area and the changing attitudes of their governments towards China; (4) changing fortunes of revolutionary movements operating in the area* 'Phe second major point of this study is an assertion that while China's conduct toward Southeast *lsia after her foundation in 1949 was primarily based upon ideological considerations, the beginning of the seventies saw the national interest reasserting itself as the leading motive factor* Thus China talks with her neighbours in Southeast asia in terms of relevance of fllong historical ties," casting herself into the role of a benevolent "older brother11 who is entitled to reopect and deference in exchange for patronage and protection* Hence the traditional echoes of the past are emerging ever stronger and influencing her postures towards the region, while the open support to revolutionary moevments is underplayed at the moment.