791 resultados para ethnic difference


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Advocates of semi-structured interview techniques have often argued that rapport may be built, and power inequalities between interviewer and respondent counteracted, by strategic self-disclosure on the part of the interviewer. Strategies that use self-disclosure to construct similarity between interviewer and respondent rely on the presumption that the respondent will in fact interpret the interviewer's behaviour in this way. In this article we examine the role of interviewer self-disclosure using data drawn from three projects involving interviews with young people. We consider how an interviewer's attempts to ‘do similarity’ may be interpreted variously as displays of similarity or, ironically, as indicators of difference by the participant, and map the implications that this may have for subsequent interview dialogue. A particular object of concern relates to the ways in which self-disclosing acts may function in the negotiation of category entitlement within interview interactions.

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The finite difference time domain (FDTD) method has direct applications in musical instrument modeling, simulation of environmental acoustics, room acoustics and sound reproduction paradigms, all of which benefit from auralization. However, rendering binaural impulse responses from simulated
data is not straightforward to accomplish as the calculated pressure at FDTD grid nodes does not contain any directional information. This paper addresses this issue by introducing a spherical array to capture sound pressure on a finite difference grid, and decomposing it into a plane-wave density
function. Binaural impulse responses are then constructed in the spherical harmonics domain by combining the decomposed grid data with free field head-related transfer functions. The effects of designing a spherical array in a Cartesian grid are studied, and emphasis is given to the relationships
between array sampling and the spatial and spectral design parameters of several finite-difference
schemes.

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Thermocouples are one of the most popular devices for temperature measurement due to their robustness, ease of manufacture and installation, and low cost. However, when used in certain harsh environments, for example, in combustion systems and engine exhausts, large wire diameters are required, and consequently the measurement bandwidth is reduced. This article discusses a software compensation technique to address the loss of high frequency fluctuations based on measurements from two thermocouples. In particular, a difference equation (DE) approach is proposed and compared with existing methods both in simulation and on experimental test rig data with constant flow velocity. It is found that the DE algorithm, combined with the use of generalized total least squares for parameter identification, provides better performance in terms of time constant estimation without any a priori assumption on the time constant ratios of the thermocouples.

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This report provides evidence of the degree, nature and drivers of poverty across the different ethnic minority groups in Northern Ireland. The 2011 Census highlighted some very different outcomes for ethnic minority groups in Northern Ireland across various indicators related to poverty. Through focus groups and interviews with employees and employers, this study further reveals how far the labour market is segmented among different ethnic minority communities. It also reviews government legislation and strategies relevant to Northern Ireland and the impact of these on poverty among ethnic minority groups. The report: • highlights employees’ difficulties in accessing relevant employment; • investigates employers’ procedures for recruitment, staff retention and development; • outlines government initiatives and programmes to support employees; and • reviews the level of uptake and success of government support for ethnic minority groups seeking employment or setting up a business.

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Objectives
To investigate individual, household and country variation in consent to health record linkage.

Study Design and Setting
Data from 50,994 individuals aged 16-74 years recruited to wave 1 of a large UK general purpose household survey (January 2009 – December 2010) were analysed using multi-level logistic regression models.

Results
Overall, 70.7% of respondents consented to record linkage. Younger age, marriage, tenure, car ownership and education were all significantly associated with consent, though there was little deviation from 70% in subgroups defined by these variables. There were small increases in consent rates in individuals with poor health when defined by self-reported long term limiting illness (adjusted OR 1.11; 95%CIs 1.06, 1.16), less so when defined by General Health Questionnaire score (adjusted OR=1.05; 95%CIs 1.00, 1.10), but the range in absolute consent rates between categories was generally less than 10%. Larger differences were observed for those of non-white ethnicity who were 38% less likely to consent (adjusted OR 0.62; 95%CIs 0.59, 0.66). Consent was higher in Scotland than England (adjusted OR 1.17; 95%CIs 1.06, 1.29) but lower in Northern Ireland (adjusted OR 0.56; 95%CIs 0.50, 0.63).

Conclusion
The modest overall level of systematic bias in consent to record linkage provides reassurance for record linkage potential in general purpose household surveys. However, the low consent rates amongst non-white ethnic minority survey respondents will further compound their low survey participation rates. The reason for the country-level variation requires further study.

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The conventional wisdom regarding party system fragmentation assumes that the effects of electoral systems and social cleavages are linear. However, recent work applying organizational ecology theories to the study of party systems has challenged the degree to which electoral system effects are linear. This paper applies such concepts to the study of social cleavages. Drawing from theories of organizational ecology and the experience of many ethnically diverse African party systems, I argue that the effects of ethnic diversity are nonlinear, with party system fragmentation increasing until reaching moderate levels of diversity before declining as diversity reaches extreme values. Examining this argument cross-nationally, the results show that accounting for nonlinearity in ethnic diversity effects significantly improves model fit.

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Recent studies show the effects of electoral systems and ethnic cleavages on the number of parties in emerging democracies differ from those effects observed in more established democracies. Building on recent arguments maintaining the quality of democracy improves with experience, we argue the reason for the differences in the findings between established and emerging democracies is that the effects of these variables on the number of parties differ according to a country’s experience with elections. To test this argument, we analyse party system fragmentation in 89 established and emerging democracies and the conditioning effects experience with elections have on the effects of district magnitude, ethnic cleavages, and variables relating to the presidential party system. The results show the effects of institutional and social cleavage variables differ substantially between emerging and established democracies, but these effects begin to approximate those seen in more established democracies with additional experience with elections.

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I elaborate a model of cross-bloc party support in deeply divided places. The model expects that the variation in the level of electoral support that citizens in Community A have for parties in Community B is a function of citizens' evaluations of the relative ability of parties in Community B to represent the interests of all communities. This 'ethnic catch-all' model of cross-bloc party support is tested in the context of consociational Northern Ireland, using data from a representative survey conducted directly after the 2010 Westminster general election. The findings are asymmetric: the model explains Protestant support for nationalist parties but not Catholic support for unionist parties. The findings, and their implications, are discussed.