Camp-fire and cotton-field: southern adventure in time of war. Life with the Union armies, and residence on a Louisiana plantation.

Mode of access: Internet.

Farming on a war bas

Mode of access: Internet.

Increased benefits for World war veterans and their dependents; miscellaneous legislation relating to administration of the Veterans' Administration : Hearing before a subcommittee of the Committee on Finance, United States Senate, Seventy-seventh Congress, first session, on H.R. 4, an act to provide more adequate compensation for certain dependents of world war veterans, and for other purposes, and H.R. 4845, an act to increase the rate of pension to world war veterans from $30 to $40 per month, to grant such rate at age 65 and for other purposes, November 27, 1941.

Bennett Champ Clark, chairman of subcommittee.

Loan exhibition of paintings by El Greco and Goya for the benefit of the American Women War Relief Fund and the Belgian Relief Fund. On exhibition at the galleries of M. Knoedler & Company... on view until January 23rd inclusive, 1915.

Includes bibliographical references.

Structuring U.S. forces after the Cold War : costs and effects of increased reliance on the reserves.

"September 1992"--Cover.

Bottom-up review : analysis of DOD war game to test key assumptions : report to the Chairman and Ranking Minority Member, Committee on National Security, House of Representatives /

"B-272119"--P. 1.

Apollonius of Tyana, the philosopher-reformer of the first century, A.D.; a critical study of the only existing record of his life, with some account of the war of opinion concerning him, and an introduction on the religious associations and brotherhoods of the times and the possible influence of Indian thought on Greece ...

"Bibliographical notes": p.156-159.

Patriotic addresses in America and England, from 1850 to 1885, on slavery, the Civil War, and the development of civil liberty in the United States.

Mode of access: Internet.

Reflections on the statistical analysis of personality and norms in war, peace, and prejudice: Are deviant minorities the problem?

The compelling quality of the Global Change simulation study (Altemeyer, 2003), in which high RWA (right-wing authoritarianism)/high SDO (social dominance orientation) individuals produced poor outcomes for the planet, rests on the inference that the link between high RWA/SDO scores and disaster in the simulation can be generalized to real environmental and social situations. However, we argue that studies of the Person × Situation interaction are biased to overestimate the role of the individual variability. When variables are operationalized, strongly normative items are excluded because they are skewed and kurtotic. This occurs both in the measurement of predictor constructs, such as RWA, and in the outcome constructs, such as prejudice and war. Analyses of normal linear statistics highlight personality variables such as RWA, which produce variance, and overlook the role of norms, which produce invariance. Where both normative and personality forces are operating, as in intergroup contexts, the linear analysis generates statistics for the sample that disproportionately reflect the behavior of the deviant, antinormative minority and direct attention away from the baseline, normative position. The implications of these findings for the link between high RWA and disaster are discussed.

EU-ASEAN relations in the post-Cold War era:an analysis of the impact of normative factors on interregionalism

This thesis examines the relationship between the European Union (EU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) with a focus on why their normative elements, e.g. values and norms, affect their ties in the post-Cold War era. Since the end of the Cold War, policy-makers and academics have become interested in region-to-region interaction, termed interregionalism. Though interregionalism is considered to have become an indelible feature of post-Cold War international politics, there are question marks over its importance. It is often argued that interregionalism reinforces the collective identity of the regional organisations involved. It is also maintained that its overall relevance to the international system depends on the level of actorness, which is primarily measured in institutional and material terms, of the participant regional organisations. This thesis contends that the normative components of the EU and ASEAN are also fundamental constituents of their actorness and, consequently, define significantly their interregionalism. This is based on a crucial observation that normative factors are of importance to the regional and international relations of the EU and ASEAN. Yet, while they strongly espouse norms and values to guide their internal and external activities, their normative premises radically differ from each other. Furthermore, these normative differences jeopardise their cooperation. Building on this observation the inquiry takes the normative components of the EU and ASEAN as the criterion as well as the focus for investigating their interregionalism. In doing so, it hypothesises that the EU and ASEAN are two different regional actors that adopt two dissimilar sets of norms to conduct their regional and international affairs and that such normative differences hinder their relations. Within this hypothesis, it seeks to address three central questions. First, what are the normative features that constitute the EU and ASEAN as actors in world politics and that make them different from each other? Second, what are the main sources of their normative differences? Finally, why do their normative differences become an obstructive factor in their relationship? To address these issues, the inquiry adopts a constructivist interpretation (of International Relations) and opts for a narrative and empirical inquiry, which is based on information and data acquired from official documents, scholarly works and interviews and questionnaires. In doing so, it finds that as they were born and evolved in two dissimilar temporal and spatial settings, the EU and ASEAN are two different norm entrepreneurs and normative powers. The former advocates a set of liberal cosmopolitan norms whereas the latter champions a set of traditional communitarian principles. Their normative differences become a major obstacle to their cooperation, especially when one regional organisation’s norms are refused or violated by the other. Thus, a key lesson drawn from these findings is that in order to explain more fully EU-ASEAN interregionalism, it is essential to consider their norms, the reasons behind their normative differences and the implication of those differences to their relations