Sustainable development: changing production patterns, social equity and the environment

Includes bibliography

Summit of the Americas 1994-2009: selected indicators

Includes bibliography

Cooperación y conflicto entre empresas, comunidades y gobierno : nuevos movimientos sociales en el caso de Cerro de San Pedro, México

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar las relaciones de cooperación y conflicto entre una compañía minera y las comunidades, los Nuevos Movimientos Sociales y los tres niveles de gobierno involucrados. La compañía Minera inició operaciones para una mina a cielo abierto de oro y plata con el apoyo de los gobiernos locales, estatales y federal. Los habitantes de estas comunidades apoyados por grupos ambientalistas y Organizaciones No Gubernamentales argumentan que el proyecto contamina las Fuentes de agua fresca además de perturbar el medio ambiente y la ecología de la región. La metodología empleada consistió en un análisis histórico social para determinar, en un estudio exploratorio, las principales variables económicas, políticas, legales, sociales y culturales que inciden en el caso, sobre todo después de la firma del Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte. Los hallazgos de esta investigación contribuyen a explicar las relaciones de cooperación y conflicto entre las empresas multinacionales que operan en las comunidades, a analizar el rol del gobierno en sus tres niveles y de los nuevos movimientos sociales en la conformación de las economías locales bajo procesos de integración económica regional. Los resultados también son de relevancia por sus contribuciones para el entendimiento de procesos de responsabilidad social corporativa de las empresas transnacionales y los procesos de contestación y acción colectiva de los nuevos movimientos sociales en el desarrollo económico y ambiental de las comunidades locales.

Perspectivas sobre el turismo en la Comunidad Andina de Naciones : Análisis comparativo con el Mercosur

El proyecto de integración al que aspiran los países miembros de la Comunidad Andina de Naciones (can) tiene un carácter exhaustivo, que excede el ámbito de los acuerdos comerciales. En este contexto, la integración en materia de turismo ha despertado un interés creciente entre los gobiernos de América Latina y el Caribe, por su capacidad de generar divisas y favorecer la inversión privada, la creación de empleo, la inclusión y el encadenamiento de empresas pequeñas y comunidades locales. Asimismo, la actividad turística puede contribuir a reforzar la identidad regional y subregional de los esquemas de integración. El turismo es uno de los rubros económicos más importantes para los países en desarrollo y, a su vez, se lo reconoce como un factor que contribuye a la reducción de la pobreza y al crecimiento económico. Por ello, se lo debe considerar como una oportunidad para el desarrollo de los países de la can, sobre todo porque los miembros del bloque andino cuentan con una oferta turística diversificada compuesta por recursos naturales y culturales de gran atractivo. En el presente trabajo se analiza la evolución del flujo de turistas en los países de la Comunidad Andina de Naciones y se esboza un estudio comparativo con el bloque del mercosur. Luego, se elabora una matriz que permite observar, a primera vista, la magnitud del turismo emisivo intrarregional en ambos casos, así como determinar ciertas conclusiones a partir de los datos observados y comparados. Finalmente, se presentan algunas propuestas que los cuatro países de la CAN podrían desarrollar en el ámbito de la cooperación horizontal, en relación con la promoción conjunta y con la participación de las ciudades de la región en la red de Mercociudades

Perspectivas sobre el turismo en la Comunidad Andina de Naciones : Análisis comparativo con el Mercosur

El proyecto de integración al que aspiran los países miembros de la Comunidad Andina de Naciones (can) tiene un carácter exhaustivo, que excede el ámbito de los acuerdos comerciales. En este contexto, la integración en materia de turismo ha despertado un interés creciente entre los gobiernos de América Latina y el Caribe, por su capacidad de generar divisas y favorecer la inversión privada, la creación de empleo, la inclusión y el encadenamiento de empresas pequeñas y comunidades locales. Asimismo, la actividad turística puede contribuir a reforzar la identidad regional y subregional de los esquemas de integración. El turismo es uno de los rubros económicos más importantes para los países en desarrollo y, a su vez, se lo reconoce como un factor que contribuye a la reducción de la pobreza y al crecimiento económico. Por ello, se lo debe considerar como una oportunidad para el desarrollo de los países de la can, sobre todo porque los miembros del bloque andino cuentan con una oferta turística diversificada compuesta por recursos naturales y culturales de gran atractivo. En el presente trabajo se analiza la evolución del flujo de turistas en los países de la Comunidad Andina de Naciones y se esboza un estudio comparativo con el bloque del mercosur. Luego, se elabora una matriz que permite observar, a primera vista, la magnitud del turismo emisivo intrarregional en ambos casos, así como determinar ciertas conclusiones a partir de los datos observados y comparados. Finalmente, se presentan algunas propuestas que los cuatro países de la CAN podrían desarrollar en el ámbito de la cooperación horizontal, en relación con la promoción conjunta y con la participación de las ciudades de la región en la red de Mercociudades

Perspectivas sobre el turismo en la Comunidad Andina de Naciones : Análisis comparativo con el Mercosur

El proyecto de integración al que aspiran los países miembros de la Comunidad Andina de Naciones (can) tiene un carácter exhaustivo, que excede el ámbito de los acuerdos comerciales. En este contexto, la integración en materia de turismo ha despertado un interés creciente entre los gobiernos de América Latina y el Caribe, por su capacidad de generar divisas y favorecer la inversión privada, la creación de empleo, la inclusión y el encadenamiento de empresas pequeñas y comunidades locales. Asimismo, la actividad turística puede contribuir a reforzar la identidad regional y subregional de los esquemas de integración. El turismo es uno de los rubros económicos más importantes para los países en desarrollo y, a su vez, se lo reconoce como un factor que contribuye a la reducción de la pobreza y al crecimiento económico. Por ello, se lo debe considerar como una oportunidad para el desarrollo de los países de la can, sobre todo porque los miembros del bloque andino cuentan con una oferta turística diversificada compuesta por recursos naturales y culturales de gran atractivo. En el presente trabajo se analiza la evolución del flujo de turistas en los países de la Comunidad Andina de Naciones y se esboza un estudio comparativo con el bloque del mercosur. Luego, se elabora una matriz que permite observar, a primera vista, la magnitud del turismo emisivo intrarregional en ambos casos, así como determinar ciertas conclusiones a partir de los datos observados y comparados. Finalmente, se presentan algunas propuestas que los cuatro países de la CAN podrían desarrollar en el ámbito de la cooperación horizontal, en relación con la promoción conjunta y con la participación de las ciudades de la región en la red de Mercociudades

Making Autonomies Matter: Sub-State Actor Accommodation in the Nordic Council and the Nordic Council of Ministers - An Analysis of the Institutional Framework for Accommodating the Faroe Islands, Greenland and Åland within ‘Norden’. EDAP Paper 03/2014

Sovereign powers are not absolute but exercised in varying areas and to varying degrees by sub-state, state and supra-state entities. The upward dispersion of power to international organisations carries implications for the sub-state level, while sub-state governance poses demands as to the conduct of governance at the international level. It is well recognised that sub-state entities, such as federal states and autonomies, may have the (restricted) capacity to enter into international relations. But what capacities do international organisations have to accommodate autonomies in their institutional frameworks? This paper shall present a case study of one such framework, namely Nordic co-operation and the accommodation of the Nordic autonomies, the Faroe Islands, Greenland and Åland, within its institutional framework. Within ‘Norden’, the position of autonomies has been scrutinised and adapted on several occasions, in the late 1960s, early 1980s and in the mid-2000s. The accommodation of the autonomies has been discussed in light of evident implications of statehood and international legal personality and the institutional arrangements eventually carved serve well to illustrate the challenges and opportunities international organisations face in the attempt to accommodate multi-level systems.

Germany on Russia. Yes to links, no to rapprochement. OSW Point of View Number 39, March 2014

The German media have been correctly describing the atmosphere between the Chancellor's Office and the Kremlin as the chilliest in years. Various factors have laid bare the fact that the strategic partnership between Germany and Russia is at best currently undergoing a 'technical pause’: the underwhelming outcomes of the German-Russian intergovernmental consultations in the autumn of 2012 and of Chancellor Merkel's meeting with President Putin during the Hanover fair in the spring of 2013, as well as the way in which the EU dealt with the Cyprus debt issue and, finally, the support that Germany has extended to the anti-presidential protests in Ukraine. Meanwhile, the priorities of Germany's foreign and economic policy have changed considerably, not only as a result of the eurozone crisis, but also, even more importantly, because the attention of German business and politics has been shifting to the so-called neue Gestaltungsmächte, or new regional powers. German politicians increasingly believe that Russia should not be offered new methods or mechanisms of co-operation. Firstly, because the existing ones have not been fully utilised, and secondly, because Germany at this stage seems to have no idea of what the long-term strategy of co-operation with Putin's Russia should be.

Germany’s engagement in the resolution of the Syrian conflict. OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 194/25.01.2016

German Tornado Recce aircraft have been engaged in reconnaissance operations over Syria since January 2016. In December 2015 the German government and parliament decided that up to 1,200 Bundeswehr soldiers would take part in the international coalition fighting Islamic State in Syria. This decision marks a new chapter in Germany’s activity in the Middle East. The increasing destabilisation of the southern neighbourhood and the consequences this has for the EU and Germany have forced the German government to increase its level of engagement in the region. Even though Germany is a third-rate player in the Middle Eastern game, it is nonetheless ever more engaged politically and wants to be viewed as a neutral mediator between the competing actors in the region. It has also allocated more funds on regional development co-operation and humanitarian aid. Germany, whose attention has been directed towards Europe’s eastern neighbourhood, is currently turning its attention to the South. The Middle East (and Africa) is taking on increasing significance in German foreign and security policy. This may affect NATO’s eastern flank and the EU’s eastern neighbourhood since part of Germany’s instruments and funds may be redirected to the South.

Proceedings.

"Sponsored by the Agricultural Research Service, U. S. Department of Agriculture, in co-operation with the state livestock regulatory officials".

Rethinking regionalism: Europe and East Asia in comparative historical perspective

Regionally based processes of political and economic integration, security co-operation, and even social identification have become increasingly important and prominent parts of the international system. Nowhere have such processes gone further than in Western Europe. Somewhat surprisingly, similar patterns of regional integration have been steadily developing in East Asia - a region many observers consider unlikely to replicate the European experience. This paper uses an historically grounded comparative approach to examine the historical preconditions that underpinned the formation of the European Union, and then contrasts them with the situation in East Asia today. While the overall geopolitical and specific national contexts are very different, such an analysis highlights surprising similarities and differences, particularly in the role played by the United States in both periods. A comparative analysis allows us to understand and rethink the incentives for, and constraints on, regional integrative processes.

The missing ingredient:inter-municipal cooperation and central-local relations in the UK

The thrust of the argument presented in this chapter is that inter-municipal cooperation (IMC) in the United Kingdom reflects local government's constitutional position and its exposure to the exigencies of Westminster (elected central government) and Whitehall (centre of the professional civil service that services central government). For the most part councils are without general powers of competence and are restricted in what they can do by Parliament. This suggests that the capacity for locally driven IMC is restricted and operates principally within a framework constructed by central government's policy objectives and legislation and the political expediencies of the governing political party. In practice, however, recent examples of IMC demonstrate that the practices are more complex than this initial analysis suggests. Central government may exert top-down pressures and impose hierarchical directives, but there are important countervailing forces. Constitutional changes in Scotland and Wales have shifted the locus of central- local relations away from Westminster and Whitehall. In England, the seeding of English government regional offices in 1994 has evolved into an important structural arrangement that encourages councils to work together. Within the local government community there is now widespread acknowledgement that to achieve the ambitious targets set by central government, councils are, by necessity, bound to cooperate and work with other agencies. In recent years, the fragmentation of public service delivery has affected the scope of IMC. Elected local government in the UK is now only one piece of a complex jigsaw of agencies that provides services to the public; whether it is with non-elected bodies, such as health authorities, public protection authorities (police and fire), voluntary nonprofit organisations or for-profit bodies, councils are expected to cooperate widely with agencies in their localities. Indeed, for projects such as regeneration and community renewal, councils may act as the coordinating agency but the success of such projects is measured by collaboration and partnership working (Davies 2002). To place these developments in context, IMC is an example of how, in spite of the fragmentation of traditional forms of government, councils work with other public service agencies and other councils through the medium of interagency partnerships, collaboration between organisations and a mixed economy of service providers. Such an analysis suggests that, following changes to the system of local government, contemporary forms of IMC are less dependent on vertical arrangements (top-down direction from central government) as they are replaced by horizontal modes (expansion of networks and partnership arrangements). Evidence suggests, however that central government continues to steer local authorities through the agency of inspectorates and regulatory bodies, and through policy initiatives, such as local strategic partnerships and local area agreements (Kelly 2006), thus questioning whether, in the case of UK local government, the shift from hierarchy to network and market solutions is less differentiated and transformation less complete than some literature suggests. Vertical or horizontal pressures may promote IMC, yet similar drivers may deter collaboration between local authorities. An example of negative vertical pressure was central government's change of the systems of local taxation during the 1980s. The new taxation regime replaced a tax on property with a tax on individual residency. Although the community charge lasted only a few years, it was a highpoint of the then Conservative government policy that encouraged councils to compete with each other on the basis of the level of local taxation. In practice, however, the complexity of local government funding in the UK rendered worthless any meaningful ambition of councils competing with each other, especially as central government granting to local authorities is predicated (however imperfectly) on at least notional equalisation between those areas with lower tax yields and the more prosperous locations. Horizontal pressures comprise factors such as planning decisions. Over the last quarter century, councils have competed on the granting of permission to out-of-town retail and leisure complexes, now recognised as detrimental to neighbouring authorities because economic forces prevail and local, independent shops are unable to compete with multiple companies. These examples illustrate tensions at the core of the UK polity of whether IMC is feasible when competition between local authorities heightened by local differences reduces opportunities for collaboration. An alternative perspective on IMC is to explore whether specific purposes or functions promote or restrict it. Whether in the principle areas of local government responsibilities relating to social welfare, development and maintenance of the local infrastructure or environmental matters, there are examples of IMC. But opportunities have diminished considerably as councils lost responsibility for services provision as a result of privatisation and transfer of powers to new government agencies or to central government. Over the last twenty years councils have lost their role in the provision of further-or higher-education, public transport and water/sewage. Councils have commissioning power but only a limited presence in providing housing needs, social care and waste management. In other words, as a result of central government policy, there are, in practice, currently far fewer opportunities for councils to cooperate. Since 1997, the New Labour government has promoted IMC through vertical drivers and the development; the operation of these policy initiatives is discussed following the framework of the editors. Current examples of IMC are notable for being driven by higher tiers of government, working with subordinate authorities in principal-agent relations. Collaboration between local authorities and intra-interand cross-sectoral partnerships are initiated by central government. In other words, IMC is shaped by hierarchical drivers from higher levels of government but, in practice, is locally varied and determined less by formula than by necessity and function. © 2007 Springer.

Pre-conception care : current practice and methods of provision

This thesis examines the present provisions for pre-conception care and the views of the providers of services. Pre-conception care is seen by some clinicians and health educators as a means of making any necessary changes in life style, corrections to imbalances in the nutritional status of the prospective mother (and father) and the assessment of any medical problems, thus maximizing the likelihood of the normal development of the baby. Pre-conception care may be described as a service to bridge the gap between the family planning clinic and the first ante-natal booking appointment. There were three separate foci for the empirical research - the Foresight organisation (a charity which has pioneered pre-conception care in Britain); the pre-conception care clinic at the West London Hospital, Hammersmith; and the West Midlands Regional Health Authority. The six main sources of data were: twenty five clinicians operating Foresight pre-conception clinics, couples attending pre-conception clinics, committee members of the Foresight organisation, staff of the West London Hospital pre-conception clinic, Hammersmith, District Health Education Officers working in the West Midlands Regional Health Authority and the members of the Ante-Natal Care Action Group, a sub-group of the Regional Health Advisory Group on Health Promotion and Preventive Medicine. A range of research methods were adopted. These were as follows: questionnaires and report forms used in co-operation with the Foresight clinicians, interviews, participant observation discussions and informal meetings and, finally, literature and official documentation. The research findings illustrated that pre-conception care services provided at the predominantly private Foresight clinics were of a rather `ad hoc' nature. The type of provision varied considerably and clearly reflected the views held by its providers. The protocol which had been developed to assist in the standardization of results was not followed by the clinicians. The pre-conception service provided at the West London Hospital shared some similarities in its approach with the Foresight provision; a major difference was that it did not advocate the use of routine hair trace metal analysis. Interviews with District Health Education Officers and with members of the Ante Natal Care Action Group revealed a tentative and cautious approach to pre-conception care generally and to the Foresight approach in particular. The thesis concludes with a consideration of the future of pre-conception care and the prospects for the establishment of a comprehensive pre-conception care service.

Versenyképesség haloptikával – Helyi gazdaságfejlesztési problémák fejlődő városokban = Competitiveness at short range - Local problems of economic development in medium-sized towns

The aim of our research in the first half of 2011 was to find out what were the administrative, regulative and other problems that were specific obstacles to local economic development and what best practices can be found in local economies. During our research we carried out interviews with leaders and local professionals in five medium size towns of Hungary. We stated that the most obstructive factors were the imperfection of vocational training, the excessively bureaucratic administrative proceedings (supplying of data, acquisition of authority permits, the attitude of the authorities, etc.) and the system of application and finding sources of funds. We think that the most innovative solutions are the good examples of the institutionalized co-operation between local governments and local businesses. We've come to the conclusion that there is a need for reducing administrative burdens for the sake of local economic development.

Trust and cooperation in buyer–seller relationships and networks. The co-evolution of structural balance and trust in iterated PD games

Our study has two aims: to elaborate theoretical frameworks and introduce social mechanisms of spontaneous co-operation in repeated buyer-seller relationships and to formulate hypotheses which can be empirically tested. The basis of our chain of ideas is the simple two-person Prisoner’s Dilemma game. On the one hand, its repeated variation can be applicable for the distinction of the analytical types of trust (iteration trust, strategy trust) in co-operations. On the other hand, it provides a chance to reveal those dyadic sympathy-antipathy relations, which make us understand the evolution of trust. Then we introduce the analysis of the more complicated (more than two-person) buyer-seller relationship. Firstly, we outline the possible role of the structural balancing mechanisms in forming trust in three-person buyer-seller relationships. Secondly, we put forward hypotheses to explain complex buyer-seller networks. In our research project we try to theoretically combine some of the simple concepts of game theory with certain ideas of the social-structural balance theory. Finally, it is followed by a short summary.