682 resultados para Presidential decrees


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As primeiras agências reguladoras foram criadas a partir da segunda metade dos anos 1990, e a mais recente delas, em 2005. Com as agências surgiram também os atores privados regulados, os usuários e consumidores, e uma nova forma de interação entre os Poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário. Esses atores participam e dão forma ao processo de aprendizagem institucional das agências. Passado o período de criação e após quase duas décadas de existência, é necessária uma visão crítica sobre as agências. Propõe-se, então, um método de avaliação regulatória a partir de três variáveis que serão decompostas em diversas subvariáveis (quesitos a serem respondidos objetivamente). A primeira variável, institucionalização, mede as regras aplicáveis à própria agência: características dos mandatos dos dirigentes, autonomia decisória, autonomia financeira e de gestão de pessoal. A segunda, procedimentalização, ocupa-se do processo de tomada de decisão da agência e de sua transparência. Ambas as variáveis procuram medir as agências do ponto de vista formal, a partir de normas aplicáveis (leis, decretos, resoluções, portarias etc.), e pela prática regulatória, com base nos fatos ocorridos demonstrados por meio de documentos oficiais (decretos de nomeação, decisões, relatórios de atividade das próprias agências etc.). A última variável, judicialização, aponta as várias vezes em que a decisão administrativa muda de status e o nível de confirmação dessas decisões pelo Poder Judiciário. O modelo teórico de avaliação das agências ora apresentado é aplicado e testado em três setores que são submetidos à regulação econômica e contam com forte presença de atores sociais e empresa estatal federal. Assim, as agências analisadas foram: Agência Nacional de Energia Elétrica ANEEL, Agência Nacional de Telecomunicações ANATEL e Agência Nacional de Aviação Civil ANAC. Em termos gerais, não é possível garantir a existência de um isoformismo entre essas agências, nem mesmo entre agências criadas em momentos diferentes e por presidentes distintos. Também não foi possível demonstrar que a interferência política seja uma marca de um único governo. A ANATEL, a melhor avaliada das três agências, destaca-se pelo rigor de suas normas que seu processo decisório reflete. A ANEEL e a ANAC tiveram uma avaliação mediana já que apresentaram avaliação sofrível quanto ao processo, mas mostraram ter instituições (regras) um pouco melhores.

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A cultura da cana-de-açúcar é a segunda maior movimentação econômica na cadeia do agronegócio no Brasil. Gera riquezas através da fabricação de açúcar, etanol e cogeração de energia elétrica, além de outros subprodutos. Considerada fonte de energia renovável, a cana-de- açúcar a princípio tinha sua imagem associada a impactos negativos principalmente devido as queimadas realizadas nas lavouras para colheita manual. Nos últimos anos, baseado em decretos e no Protocolo Agro-ambiental, essa prática vem sendo abolida. Para se manter e até mesmo aumentar o rendimento das colhedoras nos canaviais, os gestores têm adotado práticas para reduzir os terraços agrícolas, com impacto nos sistemas de conservação de solos. Assim, este trabalho teve como objetivo identificar os impactos ambientais provocados pela mecanização agrícola decorrente do mau manejo e dimensionamento dos mecanismos de conservação do solo. Neste estudo também se realizou uma análise à Equação Universal de Perdas de Solo (EUPS), como ferramenta para o dimensionamento de terraços agrícolas. O estudo foi realizado em uma microbacia hidrográfica, denominada Ribeirão da Bocaina, localizada na UGRHI-13 (Tietê - Jacaré). Foi possível identificar a variabilidade amostral do solo para o dimensionamento conservacionista, gerando curvas de nível com Desníveis Verticais (D.V) desuniformes, contrariando a sistemática atual de terraços que respeita cotas múltiplas ou mesmo dimensionamentos empiristas, segundo o conhecimento local e o histórico recente da área. Algumas sugestões também foram feitas afim de torná-la uma ferramenta ainda mais eficiente, considerando condições particulares à cultura da cana-de-açúcar, tais como a influência da palhada, sulcos de plantio e diversos tipos de terraços como meios de controle à erosão. A metodologia foi satisfatória, no que tange a compreensão pelos meios de correlação entre as práticas conservacionistas e modelos de predição de perda de solo, trazendo luz à ciência na interpretação das ferramentas existentes e as lacunas a serem preenchidas.

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As acceptance of the Evidence-based Psychology Practice (EBPP) model continues to grow (Pagoto, Spring, Coups, Mulvaney, Coutu, & Ozakinci, 2007), it seems pertinent to explore how this model can be applied in different settings. This topic is timely as practitioners in the field are being held ever more accountable for the efficacy of the treatments they employ (Pagoto et al., 2007). Increased scrutiny has resulted in a need to integrate research into practice in order to ensure continued relevance in the ever-changing realm of American health care (Luebbe, Radcliffe, Callands, Green & Thorn, 2007; Collins, Leffingwell & Belar, 2007; Chwalisz, 2003). This paper explores how the requirements set forth by the American Psychological Association Presidential Task Force on Evidence-Based Practice (2006) can be implemented at the University of Denver's (DU) Professional Psychology Center (PPC), a training clinic for students enrolled in the Psy.D. program at DU's Graduate School of Professional Psychology (GSPP). In doing so, the methods employed by Collins et al. (2007) at Oklahoma State University (OSU) are used as a template and modified to accommodate differences between these two institutions.

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The Digital Public Library of America (DPLA) is a digital library that strives to serve the public through digital collections accumulated from a wide variety of partners. Our chosen topic for the DPLA exhibit project is Perspectives on the Vietnam War. The Vietnam War remains a controversial topic of national interest, making it a topic of depth and of many perspectives. Our goals with this exhibit were to gather different perspectives of the war through personal stories, the media, presidential administrations of the war, military personnel, and the general public, including famous figures. We strove to demonstrate the variety of perspectives on the Vietnam War through a variation of digital objects and content that will be engaging for users: both black and white and color photos, videos, and audio files. Furthermore, we wanted to ensure that our digital materials are of high quality, properly documented, and easy to search and find thus all of our objects are from DPLA and are from usable original sources. This poster will describe our processes for organizational, object selection, building our exhibit, attainment of our goals, and detailed steps of our overall operation. The poster will also include details about the minor issues and bumps that occurred while reaching our final product as well as the team members’ perspectives on the project as a whole including: problems, words to for the wise, and triumphs.

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Este trabajo se adentra en el estudio de la cárcel y su alcaide, vistos como agente y espacio jurisdiccional que forman parte de la maquinaria de un tribunal, en concreto del de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid, y que han sido concebidos para estar a su servicio. De tal manera, que son sus Alcaldes del Crimen los que articulan con sus autos el funcionamiento del espacio carcelario, pero a su autoridad se le superpone en lo cotidiano la directa del alcaide. La organización de este espacio, el uso y el abuso de la condición del alcaide, los elementos de que se sirve para llevar a cabo sus funciones, la conflictividad en este recinto y los intentos de fuga son actores del análisis concreto de una práctica carcelaria, en un momento en que la teoría sobre el delito y la pena, y el papel de las cárceles se está revisando en toda Europa.

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El artículo tiene como objetivo el análisis del proceso de construcción social del fenómeno de las adopciones en España, que tendrá mayor relevancia numérica e impacto social en la década de los noventa con el incremento de las adopciones internacionales. Las conclusiones que se presentan surgen de la investigación documental llevada a cabo en documentos oficiales y personales. Las leyes, normas y decretos que se revisan son examinados en su estructura social y al hilo de las ideologías dominantes sobre maternidad, crianza, infancia y familia. Se incluye el legado normativo que el movimiento por la recuperación de la memoria histórica ha dotado de contemporaneidad, al tiempo que nos sitúa en la construcción actual de la adopción. Esta visión diacrónica se completa con el análisis de documentos personales autobiográficos. Si significativo es el incremento de las adopciones internacionales en España, también lo es el importante número de documentos personales en los que madres y padres relatan en primera persona su experiencia con la adopción. Sus narraciones son críticas con la gestión del proceso de la adopción y con la ideología que subyace, basada en la construcción de la diferencia con fuerte sesgo a favor del modelo biológico y en la sacralización del niño adoptado. En sus relatos se sigue el proceso contemporáneo de construcción identitario, individual y social de la adopción en España.

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This documentary is about the internal displacement of ethnic minorities brought about by politically instigated post-election violence towards ethnic minorities in all eight provinces, namely, Coast, Rift Valley, Western, Eastern, North Eastern, Central Kenya, Nairobi, and Nyanza. During the years of 1991 to 1996, over 15,000 people died and almost 300,000 were displaced in the Rift Valley, Central, Nyanza and Western provinces. Before the 1997 elections, violence erupted. Again, following the disputed presidential elections in December 2007 politically and ethnically instigated displacements resulted in human rights violations against 600,000 people in 8 provinces of Kenya.

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Four letters discussing news of friends and domestic politics and the presidential election, in addition to trade and purchases of certain goods.

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After the presidential elections on June 14th, the Iranian regime will continue its catch-me-if-you-can game with the international community until it has reached the nuclear threshold. Paradoxically, the key to a solution on the nuclear issue might just lie in discussions on a WMD-free Middle East, but only after Iran has obtained nuclear military capability. At that point, and in the context of a new arms race, both regional and international players may be persuaded that the Middle East has more to gain from negotiations on non-proliferation than from prolonged isolation and the prospect of intractable war.

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From the Introduction. In the aftermath of the EU’s enlargement towards Central and Eastern Europe, many scholars and observers of European integration were proclaiming that the French-German “engine” of Europe had come to an end. The political legitimacy of French-German initiatives was contested by coalitions of smaller member states and the ‘new Europe’ was calling for new leadership dynamics. However, the experience of the Eurozone debt crisis provided dramatic evidence that no alternative to the Franco-German partnership has yet to emerge in the enlarged EU. In a time of existential crisis, Franco-German initiatives appear to have remained the basic dynamic of integration. However, unlike in the past, agreements on steps forward have proven to be particularly difficult. This is largely due to these countries’ contrasting political economic policy ideas, cultures, and practices....the paper analyses the ideational ‘frames’ of the two leaders while tracing their discursive interactions against changing background conditions since the European debt crisis was triggered by Greece in October 2009 until the last measures taken in 2012 before the French Presidential elections. The empirical analysis is based on a systematic corpus of press conferences and media interviews by Nicolas Sarkozy and Angela Merkel after European summits. It is complemented by a number of press interviews including some given by their respective Finance Ministers) and important speeches in that same period of time.

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The quality and the sustainability of the democratic institutions established in post-independence Kosovo under the guidance of the international community depend to a large extent on the performance of its constitutional court. The considerable international investment in that court reflects this assessment. One of the reasons why Kosovo’s international supervision has recently been terminated is that such court has been deemed to be functioning well. But its performance has not yet adequately been scrutinized. This essay reviews its most significant judgments, including decisions that deposed a president, annulled a presidential election, prevented a general election, and abolished the inviolability of parliament. The analysis of the reasons and effects of such rulings leads to the conclusion that the court gravely lacks independence and is subject to heavy political interference, which also the international judges do not seem immune from. The performance of the court is both a manifestation and a cause of Kosovo’s acute governance problems, which its international supervision has failed to remedy. The international community’s approach towards the court is also an illustration of the reasons why statebuilding in Kosovo led to unsatisfactory results, despite unprecedented investment.

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The Greek government would like to promote the idea that the country is an equal partner in the EU system of governance, despite the country's economic, political, and social implosion. This presidency is characterised by poor leadership and a lack of vision. It is being called upon to coordinate a presidential agenda without being substantially involved in its drafting; it simply mediates between European institutions. This trend has a negative impact on the behaviour and trust of public administrators, whose personal investment is vital for the smooth functioning of the presidency. The paper concludes that Greece’s presidency of the Council of the EU cannot be the standard-bearer for a pro-European message.

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The coming weeks and months will be decisive for the general tenor of politics in Turkey. The country faces local elections this March, presidential elections in August and general elections next June, while top-level political scandals compound the deterioration in the state of democracy and rule of law. At the same time, stagnation in Turkey’s accession process continues to sour relations with the EU. In this new Policy Brief, Steven Blockmans puts forward a number of recommendations to help drive the EU accession process forward, namely the early opening of negotiation chapters 23 (judiciary and fundamental rights) and 24 (justice, freedom and security), in line with the EU’s so-called New Approach. In that way reform could not just be assured on paper, but a track record in implementation could be established throughout the process. To achieve this, member states, and Cyprus in particular, need to be persuaded to end their opposition to formulating benchmarks for the opening of accession negotiating chapters 23 and 24.

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The recent presidential and early parliamentary elections in Macedonia are only one illustration of the country’s long-term political condition: illiberal democracy. What is needed is a re-think of the instruments and the manner in which major international actors could and should foster constitutional liberalism in Macedonia. While recognising that the primary and essential responsibility lies with Macedonians themselves, the author calls for support to establish the Macedonian state’s capacity for the legitimate exercise of power.

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Ukraine’s parliamentary elections on 26 October 2014 seem set to be the most important and most challenging the country has ever held. For the first time in Ukraine’s history, the presidential election of Petro Poroshenko in May gave many Ukrainians new hope. His victory seemed to unite the country, being the first president to have won in most of the regions despite the ongoing conflict in the East. However, with many corrupt elites still in power, reforms have become hostage to vested interests and in-fighting which has raised fears of ‘business as usual’. This has made this election campaign set against a backdrop of serious challenges dominating the agenda for the foreseeable future. In this policy brief, Amanda Paul and Svitlana Kobzar explore the status of the reform agenda needed for a stable and democratic Ukraine as well as the challenges in the run up to the election including corruption, energy and EU relations.