832 resultados para Political tradition
Resumo:
Intialaistaustainen Chaitanya vaishnavismi tunnetaan Suomessa yleisemmin nimellä Krishna-liike tai Hare Krishna -uskonto. Länsimaissa se on yksi tunnetuimmista henkisyyden traditioista, jossa toimii guruja eli henkiseen kasvuun erikoistuneita opettajia. Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena on selvittää Chaitanya vaishnava -gurujen käsityksiä ja kokemuksia henkisestä kasvusta, sen päämääristä ja henkisen edistymisen tuntomerkeistä. Tämän lisäksi tutkimus selvittää minkälaisia pedagogisia menetelmiä Chaitanya vaishnava -gurut käyttävät omien oppilaidensa henkisen edistymisen tukemiseksi. Tutkimuksen aineisto koostuu viidestä Chaitanya vaisnava -gurun puolikonstruoidusta teemahaastattelusta. Tämä laadullinen tutkimus pohjautuu fenomenologiseen tutkimusperinteeseen ja tutkimusmenetelmänä on käytetty puolikonstruoitua teemahaastattelua. Aineisto on analysoitu teemoittelemalla. Vaikka haastateltavat edustavat tiettyä henkisyyden perinnettä, heidän näkemyksistään nousi hyvin universaaleja henkisen kasvun teemoja. Kasvatustieteen näkökulmasta erityisen mielenkiintoiseksi osoittautui, että henkisyys ja henkiset harjoitukset voidaan nähdä pedagogisina tiedon ja kokemusmaailman kartuttamisen menetelminä. Henkisten aktiviteettien, kuten meditaation, itsetutkiskelun, pyhien kirjoituksien opiskelun avulla, yksilön on mahdollista saada tietoa ja laajentaa käsityksiään henkisyydestä. Ne ovat henkisen kasvun pedagogisia menetelmiä, joilla oppilaan on mahdollista rakentaa merkityksiä ja suhdettaan henkisyyteen.
Resumo:
It is developed a macrodynamic model in the post-keynesian tradition of political economy of the productive capital accumulation and income distribution to analyze some of the impacts of the (flow of) foreign direct investment and the (stock of) foreign productive capital on capital accumulation, economic growth and functional income distribution in a stylized economy. Alongside a usual demand effect, the impacts of such an internationalization of local capital through labor productivity and market concentration are taken into account as well.
Resumo:
The purpose of this paper is to analyse the political economy of preferential trade agreements based on a sequential non-cooperative Stackelberg political game between a large economy and a small one, in which the political dispute of rival lobby groups defines the unilateral stance of both governments in the first stage; and the Stackelberg "coalition-proof" equilibrium defines the free trade agreement format in the second stage. Finally, a few modifications in the initial game structure are discussed in order to enhance the small economy's negotiation power. The political economy model is applied to FTAA case.
Resumo:
The purpose of this article is to survey the main papers that founded a kaleckian approach of the economic growth. It presents a certain moment of the historical evolution of the non-neoclassical macrodynamics. This analysis can be understood under the political economy tradition in putting together social classes (capitalists and workers), distributive conflict and the relationship between distribution and accumulation.
Resumo:
Finnish Defence Studies is published under the auspices of the War College, and the contributions reflect the fields of research and teaching of the College. Finnish Defence Studies will occasionally feature documentation on Finnish Security Policy. Views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily imply endorsement by the War College.
Resumo:
In this paper we extend Kaldors Neo-Pasinetti theorem to the scope of budgetary interventions based on political orientations. First, we take into account a system of taxes and expenditures. Second, we introduce different reaction functions for public spending showing the political role of the State in Cambridge theory of distribution. It turns out that the validity of Kaldorian results depends on the political orientation adopted by government, which diminishes the range of application of the Neo-Pasinetti theorem.
Resumo:
In this thesis, I argue that there are public cultural reasons that can underpin public justifications of minority rights of indigenous and national minorities in a constitutionaldemocracy. I do so by tackling diverse issues facing a liberal theory of multiculturalism. In the first essay, I criticize Will Kymlicka’s comprehensive liberal theory of minority rights and propose a political liberal alternative. The main problem of Will Kymlicka’s theory is that it builds on the contestable liberal value of individual autonomy and thus fails to take diversity seriously. In the second essay, I elaborate on the Rawlsian political liberalism assumed here by criticizing Chandran Kukathas’s version of political liberalism as overly accommodating to diversity. In the third essay, I discuss questions of method that arise for a political liberal approach to the moral-political foundations of multiculturalism, and propose a certain understanding of the political liberal enterprise and its crucial standard of reasonableness. In the fourth essay, I dwell on the political liberal ethic of citizenship and propose a strongly inclusionist interpretation of the duty of civility. In the fifth and last essay, I introduce a certain understanding of ethnocultural justice and propose a view on certain cultural reasons as public cultural reasons. Cultural reasons are public when they are based on necessarily established cultural marks of a democratic polity, as specified by the cultural establishment view; and when they are crucial for the societal cultural bases of self-respect of citizens. The arguments in this thesis support, and help to spell out, moral-political rights of indigenous and national minorities as formulated in international legal documents, such as the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (United Nations 2007) or the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (United Nations 1966).
Resumo:
This paper discusses the long-run history of education policies in Brazil. It is suggested that the main reason for the educational backwardness was the existence of strong political interests over education. It is also defended that these interests can be empirically observed in the allocation of public resources between the different levels of education, with political choices favouring specific groups in society. It was not a matter of lack of investment in education, but of inadequate allocation of resources. This pattern of political-based policies created a strong negative path dependence of misallocation of resources in education in Brazil, particularly with significant underinvestment in secondary education.
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This paper examines the structuralist tradition in economics, emphasizing the role that structures play in the economic growth of developing countries. Since the subject at hand is evidently too large to cover in a single article, an emphasis has been brought to bear upon the macroeconomic elements of such a tradition, while also exploring its methodological aspects. It begins by analysing some general aspects of structuralism in economics (its evolution and origins) associated with ECLAC thought, in this instance focusing on the dynamics of the center-periphery relationship. Thereafter, the macroeconomic structuralism derived from the works of Taylor (1983, 1991) is presented, followed by a presentation of neo-structuralism. Centred on the concept of systemic competitiveness, this approach defines a strategy to achieve the high road of globalization, understood here as an inevitable process in spite of its engagement being dependent on the policies adopted. The conclusions show the genuine contributions of this tradition to economic theory.
Resumo:
ABSTRACTThis paper analyzes Joan Robinson's growth model, and then adapted in order to provide an exploratory taxonomy of Growth Eras. The Growth Eras or Ages were for Robinson a way to provide logical connections among output growth, capital accumulation, the degree of thriftiness, the real wage and illustrate a catalogue of growth possibilities. This modified taxonomy follows the spirit of Robinson's work, but it takes different theoretical approaches, which imply that some of her classifications do not fit perfectly the ones here suggested. Latin America has moved from a Golden Age in the 1950s and 1960s, to a Leaden Age in the 1980s, having two traverse periods, one in which the process of growth and industrialization accelerated in the late 1960s and early 1970s, which is here referred to as a Galloping Platinum Age, and one in which a process of deindustrialization, and reprimarization and maquilization of the productive structure took place, starting in the 1990s, which could be referred to as a Creeping Platinum Age.