966 resultados para Political group


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In a study of socioeconomically disadvantaged children's acquisition of school literacies, a university research team investigated how a group of teachers negotiated critical literacies and explored notions of social power with elementary children in a suburban school located in an area of high poverty. Here we focus on a grade 2/3 classroom where the teacher and children became involved in a local urban renewal project and on how in the process the children wrote about place and power. Using the students' concerns about their neighborhood, the teacher engaged her class in a critical literacy project that not only involved a complex set of literate practices but also taught the children about power and the possibilities for local civic action. In particular, we discuss examples of children's drawing and writing about their neighborhoods and their lives. We explore how children's writing and drawing might be key elements in developing "critical literacies" in elementary school settings. We consider how such classroom writing can be a mediator of emotions, intellectual and academic learning, social practice, and political activism.

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Do the political values of the general public form a coherent system? What might be the source of coherence? We view political values as expressions, in the political domain, of more basic personal values. Basic personal values (e.g., security, achievement, benevolence, hedonism) are organized on a circular continuum that reflects their conflicting and compatible motivations. We theorize that this circular motivational structure also gives coherence to political values. We assess this theorizing with data from 15 countries, using eight core political values (e.g., free enterprise, law and order) and ten basic personal values. We specify the underlying basic values expected to promote or oppose each political value. We offer different hypotheses for the 12 non-communist and three post-communist countries studied, where the political context suggests different meanings of a basic or political value. Correlation and regression analyses support almost all hypotheses. Moreover, basic values account for substantially more variance in political values than age, gender, education, and income. Multidimensional scaling analyses demonstrate graphically how the circular motivational continuum of basic personal values structures relations among core political values. This study strengthens the assumption that individual differences in basic personal values play a critical role in political thought.

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There is often a gap between teaching beliefs and actual practice, between ‘what is valued and what is taught’ (Jones, 2009, p. 175). This may be particularly true when it comes to teaching creatively and teaching for creativity in higher education. This lack of congruence is not necessarily due to a lack of awareness about what is possible, or the desire to enact change in this domain. It may, however, be due to a mix of less easily manipulated contextual factors (environmental, socio-cultural, political and economic), and a lack of discourse (Jackson, 2006) around the problem...

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Discussion of censorship and media freedom in the context of The Interview. A few weeks before the murderous attack by Islamic extremists on the satirical journal Charlie Hebdo, the Hollywood dream factory had its own encounter with would-be censors. The Interview (Evan Goldberg and Seth Rogen, 2014), as everyone with an interest in culture and current affairs cannot fail to be aware of by now, is a comedy in the “grossout” tradition exemplified by commercially successful movies such as Ted (Seth MacFarlane, 2012) and Bridesmaids (Paul Feig, 2011). Their humour is a combination of slapstick, physical comedy, and scatological jokes involving body fluids and the like— hence the “gross”. The best of them have been very funny, as well as bordering on the offensive (see Ted’s scene involving prostitutes, a foul-mouthed teddy bear and the entertainment value of someone taking a dump on the living room floor). They have often been controversial, as in the Farrelly brothers’ Me, Myself and Irene (2000), starring Jim Carrey as a schizophrenic police officer. At their most outrageous they have pushed the boundaries of political correctness to the limit.

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This study uses the concept of ‘place-making’ to consider political engagement on Sina Weibo, one of the most popular microblogging services in China. Besides articulating statepublic confrontation during major social controversies, Weibo has been used to recollect and renarrate the memories of a city, such as Guangzhou, where dramatic social and cultural changes took place during the economic reform era. The Chinese government’s ongoing project to create a culturally indifferent ‘national identity’ triggers a defensive response from local places. Through consuming news and information about leisure and entertainment in Guangzhou, the digital narration of the city becomes an important source for Guangzhou people to learn about their geo-identity, and the kind of rights and responsibility attaching to it.

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This paper critically evaluates the empirical evidence of 36 studies regarding the comparative cost-effectiveness of group and individual cognitive behaviour therapy (CBT) as a whole, and also for specific mental disorders (e.g. depression, anxiety, substance abuse) or populations (e.g. children). Methods of calculating costs, as well as methods of comparing treatment outcomes were appraised and criticized. Overall, the evidence that group CBT is more cost-effective than individual CBT is mixed, with group CBT appearing to be more cost effective in treating depression and children, but less cost effective in treating drugs and alcohol dependence, anxiety and social phobias. In addition, methodological weaknesses in the studies assessed are noted. There is a need to improve cost calculation methodology, as well as more solid and a greater number of empirical cost-effectiveness studies before a firm conclusion can be reached that group CBT is more cost effective then individual CBT.

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This report documents the findings of in-depth focus groups conducted with 17 young drivers. The main aim of these focus groups was to explore key themes related to the risky behaviour of young drivers (17-25 years) in Oman. Specifically the interviews explored the influence of parents and peers, who may serve as a source of imitation, reward and punishment. Additionally, the interviews explored the influence of policing and licensing on young driver behaviour.

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This chapter provides a history of the media as political actors and identifies key principles that have shaped their role in both democratic and authoritarian polities (i.e., information, interpretation, participation, critical scrutiny). In addition, the chapter explores recent trends impacting on the performance of that role, such as the emergence of the Internet and, as a consequence of that process, a globalized public sphere of transnational news media outlets. It is argued that to make the Internet truly valuable as a political resource, democratic societies continue to require the work of skilled, professional journalists and their sense making, interpretative functions. Because of that journalists and their organizations remain crucial to the translation of content into meaningful messages.

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A number of international human rights frameworks protect the rights of young people in contact with the criminal justice system in states parties, including Australia. These frameworks inform youth justice policy in Australia’s jurisdictions. While the frameworks protect young people’s right to non-discrimination on the grounds of ‘race’, religion and political opinion, the rights of young people to non-discrimination on the grounds of sexuality and gender diversity are not explicitly protected. This is problematic given that lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ) young people appear over-represented in youth justice systems. This article argues that the exclusion of this group from human rights frameworks has an important flow-on effect: the marginalisation of the right of LGBTIQ young people to non-discrimination in policy and discourse that is informed by international human rights frameworks. After outlining the relevant frameworks, this article examines the evidence about LGBTIQ young people’s interactions with youth justice agencies, particularly police. The evidence indicates that the human rights of LGBTIQ young people are frequently breached in these interactions. We conclude by arguing that it is timely to consider how best to protect the human rights of LBGTIQ young people and keep their rights on the agenda.

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Since the early 1980s, when confidence in institutions was first measured in an Australian academic social survey, Australia - And the world - has faced many political, social and economic changes. From corporate scandals and company collapses, to unprecedented terrorist attacks, to major ongoing international conflicts, to changes in government and all manner of political machinations, to the global financial crisis and its aftermath. One consequence of such developments has been that many major political, social and economic institutions have come under intense pressure. Using survey research data, this paper investigates how public confidence in various Australian institutions and organisations has changed over time. The results are variable and in some instances surprising. Confidence in some institutions has remained high, and in some low, over an extended period of time. In other cases, confidence has varied quite markedly at different time points. As well as looking at trends in the level of public confidence in institutions, the paper examines different dimensions of confidence together with underpinning socio-political factors. It also discusses theoretical and practical implications of the data.

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Alcohol has been estimated to cost Australia $36 Billion per year, almost double that of all illegal drugs combined. This thesis uncovered seven friendship group-level motives for alcohol consumption, these motives were: Competition, Copying, Commitments, Conformity, Winding down, Play, and Confidence. These motives were then measured and their correlation with self-reported alcohol consumption was assessed. Using these results will allow social marketers to design targeted programmes that achieve meaningful behaviour change that goes beyond merely informing or raising awareness about the dangers of alcohol.

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Background Cancer and its treatments produce lingering side-effects that undermine the quality of life (QOL) of survivors. Exercise and psycho-therapies increase QOL among survivors, however, research is needed to identify intervention characteristics most associated with such improvements. Objective This research aimed to assess the feasibility of a 9 week individual or group based exercise and counselling program, and to examine if a group based intervention is as effective at improving the QOL of breast cancer survivors as an individual-based intervention. Methods A three group design was implemented to compare the efficacy of a 9 week individual (IEC n = 12) and group based exercise and counselling (GEC n = 14) intervention to a usual care (UsC n = 10) group on QOL of thirty-six breast cancer survivors. Results Across all groups, 90% of participants completed the interventions, with no adverse effects documented. At the completion of the intervention, there was a significant difference between groups for change in global QOL across time (p < 0.023), with IEC improving significantly more (15.0 points) than the UsC group (1.8 points). The effect size was moderate (0.70). Although the GEC improved QOL by almost 10.0 points, this increase did not reach significance. Both increases were above the minimally important difference of 7–8 points. Conclusion These preliminary results suggest a combined exercise and psychological counseling program is both a feasible and acceptable intervention for breast cancer survivors. Whilst both the individual and group interventions improved QOL above the clinically important difference, only the individual based intervention was significant when compared to UsC.

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Between the national and household factors, community or “meso-level” changes in political economy and livelihoods in southwestern Bangladesh illustrate that in order to understand the impacts on people and nations of climate change-related environmental changes – changes that are expected to include rising sea level, saline inundation, and increased likelihood and intensity of cyclones in Bangladesh – we need to understand the dynamics of the built and natural environment and the political economies these sustain. Meso-level political economies affect the sources of income and livelihood available in distressed environmental conditions, and therefore influence how well the people in them can adapt to changing environmental conditions. In this study we have seen the underlying political economies whose dynamics, and not slow onset environmental changes or disastrous environmental events, are pushing Bangladeshis to incorporate migration strategies into their livelihood strategies.

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PURPOSE Brivanib, an oral, multi-targeted tyrosine kinase inhibitor with activity against vascular endothelial growth factor (VEGF) and fibroblast growth factor receptor (FGFR) was investigated as a single agent in a phase II trial to assess the activity and tolerability in recurrent or persistent endometrial cancer (EMC). PATIENTS AND METHODS Eligible patients had persistent or recurrent EMC after receiving one to two prior cytotoxic regimens, measurable disease, and performance status of ≤2. Treatment consisted of brivanib 800 mg orally every day until disease progression or prohibitive toxicity. Primary endpoints were progression-free survival (PFS) at six months and objective tumor response. Expression of multiple angiogenic proteins and FGFR2 mutation status was assessed. RESULTS Forty-five patients were enrolled. Forty-three patients were eligible and evaluable. Median age was 64 years. Twenty-four patients (55.8%) received prior radiation. Median number of cycles was two (range 1-24). No GI perforations but one rectal fistula were seen. Nine patients had grade 3 hypertension, with one experiencing grade 4 confusion. Eight patients (18.6%; 90% CI 9.6%-31.7%) had responses (one CR and seven PRs), and 13 patients (30.2%; 90% CI 18.9%-43.9%) were PFS at six months. Median PFS and overall survival (OS) were 3.3 and 10.7 months, respectively. When modeled jointly, VEGF and angiopoietin-2 expression may diametrically predict PFS. Estrogen receptor-α (ER) expression was positively correlated with OS. CONCLUSION Brivanib is reasonably well tolerated and worthy of further investigation based on PFS at six months in recurrent or persistent EMC.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to review the developments in South African corporate governance since the end of apartheid, with a view to identifying themes and points of convergence and/or divergence with other models. Design/methodology/approach – The paper presents a critical review of South African corporate governance in the context of political and economic developments. Where relevant, aspects of corporate governance theory (in particular the stakeholder and shareholder debate) are considered in the South African context. Findings – South African corporate governance can be seen to broadly follow Anglo‐American examples with the notable exception of the stakeholder approach of the two King reports. This approach emphasises the responsibilities of companies to various stakeholders and encourages stakeholder engagement as an integral element of company strategy. There has not, however, been any substantial incorporation of stakeholder interests into formal corporate governance structures such as board structure and financial reporting. Practical implications – The ongoing consideration of corporate governance developments in South Africa is important for its continued development in the country and the region. Originality/value – A review of South African corporate governance is timely given the probable release of the third King report in 2009, together with new company legislation.