Rapporto sull'efficienza energetica 2013

Rapporto tecnico sulla gestione energetica nelle grandi strutture del CNR e sui possibili interventi per la riduzione dei consumi (258 pagine, con contributi di 25 autori). Pubblicazione del progetto “Efficienza energetica”, promosso dal Direttore Generale del CNR con lettera prot. CNR n. 0075888 del 7/12/2012.

Constitucion politica de la Nueva Granada, sancionada el año de 1853

49 p.

Pela paz e pelo progresso do Brasil : voto secreto-obrigatorio, suffragio e elegibilidade das mulheres, os militares e a politica

Discursos pronunciados na camara federal a 28 de novembro, 1 e 12 de dezembro de 1924, e artigos publicados no paiz, no a.b.c. e na revista da semana.

Repertorio da constituição politica do imperio do brazil e do acto addicional com a citação das leis, decretos e avisos relativos as principaes disposições da mesma Constituição

Organizado por J.P.M. Portella

EL MENSAJE DE LA ECONOMIA POLITICA RADICAL

La economía se presenta a menudo como la ciencia social más madura y exacta, capaz de orientar acciones, realizar pronósticos, explicar el pasado. Todo ello de una manera, si no impecable, sí satisfactoria a grandes rasgos. Ya lo dijo Popper de manera poco cautelosa: "El éxito de la Economía Matemática muestra que por lo menos una ciencia social ha pasado por su revolución newtoniana" (Popper, 1957, 74). También goza la economía de buenas referencias en lo que atañe a su genealogía y tradición intelectual: algunas de sus máximas tienen un respetable pedigrí de más de dos siglos. Por otra parte, sus argumentaciones más preciadas suelen presentarse en la alta sociedad académica vestidas con formalismos matemáticos aparatosos, cuando no espectaculares. A primera vista parece, pues, hallarse en un estado muy saludable, bien orientada en cuanto a bases y perspectivas. Luego no es de extrañar que sea motivo de envidia y de imitación por parte de investigadores de campos vecinos que también aspiran a entender cómo funcionan los seres humanos en sociedad.El resultado final es un texto un tanto híbrido, a medio camino entre el ensayo de divulgación y las notas de clase. De todos modos, aunque sus objetivos sean modestos en lo que se refiere a rigor y originalidad, confío en que cumpla en alguna medida el cometido asignado, a saber, sugerir e incluso provocar. Deseo puntualizar, por último, que algunas de las ideas aquí expuestas se hallan argumentadas de forma más sistemática y cuidada en el artículo "Teoría económica y enfoque de la reproducción" (in Febrero, ed., Qué es la economía, Madrid, Pirámide, 1997, págs. 241-269), así como en mis libros Filosofía de la economía (Barcelona, Icaria, 1992) y Economía política radical (Madrid, Síntesis, 1998).

Tensões e contradições do processo de construção das diretrizes para a politica pública de educação infantil do campo

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação, 2016.

La certificazione energetica applicata alla sede della Facoltà di Ingegneria di Ravenna e ipotesi di intervento per il miglioramento termico dell'involucro edilizio

valutare le performance di un edificio scolastico in termini energetici e di vivibilità attraverso l’analisi di alcuni parametri derivanti dalla certificazione energetica dello stesso. Verranno presentate anche ipotesi di intervento migliorative.

LA AUSENCIA DEL TERRITORIO EN LA IMPLEMENTACION DE LA POLITICA DE DESCENTRALIZACIÓN EN URUGUAY

Uruguay  ha pasado de ser un país  fuertemente centralizado con una geografía político- administrativa sencilla, constituida por un único nivel de partición  territorial (19 departamentos) a tener  89 municipios.  Ello es resultado de la aprobación de la ley de Descentralización Municipal y Participación Ciudadana cuyo fin es implementar un tercer nivel de gobierno. La apresurada implementación de la ley no permitió una adecuada discusión de criterios de delimitación de los mismos, siendo definidos como un simple agregado de circunscripciones electorales con un mínimo de población.  Este criterio resulta restrictivo ya que excluye otras consideraciones de carácter socioeconómico y dista de constituir “…una unidad, con personalidad social y cultural, con intereses comunes…” tal cual plantea la ley en su artículo 1º. El trabajo presenta un avance de una línea de investigación recientemente iniciada en colaboración con el Departamento de Ciencias Políticas de la Universidad de la República, cuyo objetivo es discutir la delimitación realizada y  proponer criterios alternativos que reflejen una adecuada articulación entre sociedad, territorio y gobierno local

LA PRODUCCION DEL ESPACIO, EL PRECIO DE LA TIERRA Y LA POLITICA DEL ESTADO

En este artículo se presenta el análisis del conjunto de procesos relacionados con la producción simple y ampliada del medio construido. En este sentido, la producción de las condiciones generales de infraestructura, equipamiento y los servicios y el proceso de la producción (vivienda) conforman la unidad básica para la reproducción de la fuerza de trabajo y del capital. La infraestructura, el equipamiento, los espacios públicos, las áreas verdes, los servicios de educación, salud y el aparato socio-cultural cumplen una función fundamental en la creación de las condiciones esenciales para la reproducción de la fuerza de trabajo y la acumulación simple y ampliada del capital.Desde la perspectiva este artículo se centrara en los aspectos relativos a la construcción del espacio y la producción de la vivienda, en una doble dimensión la producción del espacio residencial y la producción de la vivienda.SUMMARYIn this article, it is presented the analysis of the whole of processes related to the simple and extended production of the built environment. To this effect, the production of the general conditions of infrastructure, equipment, services, and the production process of the production units (housing) conform the basic unit for the reproduction of the labour force and capital. The infrastructure, the equipment, the public spaces, the green areas, education services, health, and the socio cultural device, fulfil a fundamental function in the creation of the essential conditions for the reproduction of the labour force and the simple and extended accumulation of capital.From this perspective, this article will focus on the aspects relative to the construction of space and the production of housing, in a double dimension, the production of residential space and the production of housing.

ESTRUCTURA PRODUCTIVA, POLITICA ESTATAL Y REDISTRIBUCION DE LA POBLACION EN HONDURAS

Estudio integrado sobre la configuración histórica de las políticas estatales sectoriales y regionales e impacto sobre los cambios ocurridos en el aparato productivo hondureño, principalmente en 1945 y 1980. Analiza la distribución espacial de la población, asimismo, los movimientos migratorios ocurridos a nivel regional.

POLITICA ECONOMICA DE AJUSTE DEL AGRO Y SU EFECTO EN LOS GRUPOS SOCIALES DE GRANOS BASICOS.

Este artículo analiza la política económica de ajuste estructural, los mecanismos, e instrumentos más importantes de regulación y control, que afectan a los grupos sociales productores de granos básicos y sus efectos espaciales, enfatizando en la distribución del crédito.   Se considera la política económica como un conjunto de mecanismos des incentivadores que actúan sobre las características técnico-productivas, socio-productivas y espacial-productivas de los granos básicos. Esta diferenciación metodológica permite en el artículo visualizar efectos diferenciadores de grupos en la producción de granos en Costa Rica.   La política económica, en su ampliación instrumental se considera de aplicación homogénea, pero la realidad agraria territorial de los granos básicos es muy diferencial, se clasifican para el análisis en tres grupos y se define un grupo como clave, o más importante para el fomento o desestímulo de la política económica.  Dos periodos distintos se distinguen en la política hacia los granos básicos a partir de 1974, que los constituyen en el fomento de autosuficiencia alimentaria para después de 1984 empezar un desestímulo a los granos básicos. Los sectores sociales productores se diferencian entre empresarios arroceros y campesinos productores de maíz y frijol, donde el efecto de la política desincentivadora es distinto.   Se analiza el instrumento crediticio para ejemplarizar la política desincentivadora. Donde efectivamente se declara como una política sesgada por el apoyo crediticio del gran productor de arroz y por una segregación del pequeño productor.

Towards a Critique of the Concept of the Right to Self-Determination in Africa : A Conceptual Examination and the Cases of Western Sahara, Southern Sudan and Eritrea

This thesis examines the right to self-determination which is a norm used for numerous purposes by multiple actors in the field of international relations, with relatively little clarity or agreement on the actual and potential meaning of the right. In international practice, however, the main focus in applying the right has been in the context of decolonization as set by the United Nations in its early decades. Thus, in Africa the right to self-determination has traditionally implied that the colonial territories, and particularly the populations within these territories, were to constitute the people who were entitled to the right. That is, self-determination by decolonization provided a framework for the construction of independent nation-states in Africa whilst other dimensions of the right remained largely or totally neglected. With the objective of assessing the scope, content, developments and interpretations of the right to self-determination in Africa, particularly with regard to the relevance of the right today, the thesis proceeds on two fundamental hypotheses. The first is that Mervyn Frost s theory of settled norms, among which he lists the right to self-determination, assumes too much. Even if the right to self-determination is a human right belonging to all peoples stipulated, inter alia, in the first Article of the 1966 International Human Rights Covenants, it is a highly politicized and context-bound right instead of being settled and observed in a way that its denial would need special justification. Still, the suggested inconsistency or non-compliance with the norm of self-determination is not intended to prove the uselessness or inappropriateness of the norm, but, on the contrary, to invite and encourage debate on the potential use and coverage of the right to self-determination. The second hypothesis is that within the concept of self-determination there are two normative dimensions. One is to do with the idea and practice of statehood, the nation and collectivity that may decide to conduct itself as an independent state. The other one is to do with self-determination as a human right, as a normative condition, to be enjoyed by people and peoples within states that supersedes state authority. These external and internal dimensions need to be seen as complementary and co-terminous, not as mutually exclusive alternatives. The thesis proceeds on the assumption that the internal dimension of the right, with human rights and democracy at its core, has not been considered as important as the external. In turn, this unbalanced and selective interpretation has managed to put the true normative purpose of the right making the world better and bringing more just polity models into a somewhat peculiar light. The right to self-determination in the African context is assessed through case studies of Western Sahara, Southern Sudan and Eritrea. The study asks what these cases say about the right to self-determination in Africa and what their lessons learnt could contribute to the understanding and relevance of the right in today s Africa. The study demonstrates that even in the context of decolonization, the application of the right to self-determination has been far from the consistent approach supposedly followed by the international community: in many respects similar colonial histories have easily led to rather different destinies. While Eritrea secured internationally recognized right to self-determination in the form of retroactive independence in 1993, international recognition of distinct Western Sahara and Southern Sudan entities is contingent on complex and problematic conditions being satisfied. Overall, it is a considerable challenge for international legality to meet empirical political reality in a meaningful way, so that the universal values attached to the norm of self-determination are not overlooked or compromised but rather reinforced in the process of implementing the right. Consequently, this thesis seeks a more comprehensive understanding of the right to self-determination with particular reference to post-colonial Africa and with an emphasis on the internal, human rights and democracy dimensions of the norm. It is considered that the right to self-determination cannot be perceived only as an inter-state issue as it is also very much an intra-state issue, including the possibility of different sub-state arrangements exercised under the right, for example, in the form of autonomy. At the same time, the option of independent statehood achieved through secession remains a mode of exercising and part of the right to self-determination. But in whatever form or way applied, the right to self-determination, as a normative instrument, should constitute and work as a norm that comprehensively brings more added value in terms of the objectives of human rights and democracy. From a normative perspective, a peoples right should not be allowed to transform and convert itself into a right of states. Finally, in light of the case studies of Western Sahara, Southern Sudan and Eritrea, the thesis suggests that our understanding of the right to self-determination should now reach beyond the post-colonial context in Africa. It appears that both the questions and answers to the most pertinent issues of self-determination in the cases studied must be increasingly sought within the postcolonial African state rather than solely in colonial history. In this vein, the right to self-determination can be seen not only as a tool for creating states but also as a way to transform the state itself from within. Any such genuinely post-colonial approach may imply a judicious reconsideration, adaptation or up-dating of the right and our understanding of it in order to render it meaningful in Africa today.

Evidence of Partisan Emphasis on EMU during 1994–1999 : Comparing Finnish Parties

This study explores the EMU stand taken by the major Finnish political parties from 1994 to 1999. The starting point is the empirical evidence showing that party responses to European integration are shaped by a mix of national and cross-national factors, with national factors having more explanatory value. The study is the first to produce evidence that classified party documents such as protocols, manifestos and authoritative policy summaries may describe the EMU policy emphasis. In fact, as the literature review demonstrates, it has been unclear so far what kind of stand the three major Finnish political parties took during 1994–1999. Consequently, this study makes a substantive contribution to understanding the factors that shaped EMU party policies, and eventually, the national EMU policy during the 1990s. The research questions addressed are the following: What are the main factors that shaped partisan standpoints on EMU during 1994–1999? To what extent did the policy debate and themes change in the political parties? How far were the policies of the Social Democratic Party, the Centre Party and the National Coalition Party shaped by factors unique to their own national contexts? Furthermore, to what extent were they determined by cross-national influences from abroad, and especially from countries with which Finland has a special relationship, such as Sweden? The theoretical background of the study is in the area of party politics and approaches to EU policies, and party change, developed mainly by Kevin Featherstone, Peter Mair and Richard Katz. At the same time, it puts forward generic hypotheses that help to explain party standpoints on EMU. It incorporates a large quantity of classified new material based on primary research through content analysis and interviews. Quantitative and qualitative methods are used sequentially in order to overcome possible limitations. Established content-analysis techniques improve the reliability of the data. The coding frame is based on the salience theory of party competition. Interviews with eight party leaders and one independent expert civil servant provided additional insights and improve the validity of the data. Public-opinion surveys and media coverage are also used to complete the research path. Four major conclusions are drawn from the research findings. First, the quantitative and the interview data reveal the importance of the internal influences within the parties that most noticeably shaped their EMU policies during the 1990s. In contrast, international events play a minor role. The most striking feature turned out to be the strong emphasis by all of the parties on economic goals. However, it is important to note that the factors manifest differences between economic, democratic and international issues across the three major parties. Secondly, it seems that the parties have transformed into centralised and professional organisations in terms of their EMU policy-making. The weight and direction of party EMU strategy rests within the leadership and a few administrative elites. This could imply changes in their institutional environment. Eventually, parties may appear generally less differentiated and more standardised in their policy-making. Thirdly, the case of the Social Democratic Party shows that traditional organisational links continue to exist between the left and the trade unions in terms of their EMU policy-making. Hence, it could be that the parties have not yet moved beyond their conventional affiliate organisations. Fourthly, parties tend to neglect citizen opinion and demands with regard to EMU, which could imply conflict between the changes in their strategic environment. They seem to give more attention to the demands of political competition (party-party relationships) than to public attitudes (party-voter relationships), which would imply that they have had to learn to be more flexible and responsive. Finally, three suggestions for institutional reform are offered, which could contribute to the emergence of legitimised policy-making: measures to bring more party members and voter groups into the policy-making process; measures to adopt new technologies in order to open up the policy-formation process in the early phase; and measures to involve all interest groups in the policy-making process.

EU Multi-level Governance in the Making - The Community Initiative LEADER+ in Finland and Germany

In order to fully understand the process of European integration it is of paramount importance to consider developments at the sub-national and local level. EU integration scholars shifted their attention to the local level only at the beginning of the 1990s with the concept of multi-level governance (MLG). While MLG is the first concept to scrutinise the position of local levels of public administration and other actors within the EU polity, I perceive it as too optimistic in the degree of influence it ascribes to local levels. Thus, learning from and combining MLG with other concepts, such as structural constructivism, helps to reveal some of the hidden aspects of EU integration and paint a more realistic picture of multi-level interaction. This thesis also answers the call for more case studies in order to conceptualise MLG further. After a critical study of theories and concepts of European integration, above all, MLG, I will analyse sub-national and local government in Finland and Germany. I show how the sub-national level and local governments are embedded in the EU s multi-level structure of governance and how, through EU integration, those levels have been empowered but also how their scope of action has partially decreased. After theoretical and institutional contextualisation, I present the results of my empirical study of the EU s Community Initiative LEADER+. LEADER stands for Liaison Entre Actions de Développement de l'Économie Rurale , and aims at improving the economic conditions in Europe s rural areas. I was interested in how different actors construct and shape EU financed rural development, especially in how local actors organised in so-called local action groups (LAGs) cooperate with other administrative units within the LEADER+ administrative chain. I also examined intra-institutional relations within those groups, in order to find out who are the most influential and powerful actors within them. Empirical data on the Finnish and German LAGs was first gathered through a survey, which was then supplemented and completed by interviewing LAG members, LAG-managers, several civil servants from Finnish and German decision-making and managing authorities and a civil servant from the EU Commission. My main argument is that in both Germany and Finland, the Community Initiative LEADER+ offered a space for multi-level interaction and local-level involvement, a space that on the one hand consists of highly motivated people actively contributing to the improvement of the quality of life and economy in Europe s countryside but which is dependent and also restricted by national administrative practices, implementation approaches and cultures on the other. In Finland, the principle of tri-partition (kolmikantaperiaatte) in organising the executive committees of LAGs is very noticeable. In comparison to Germany, for instance, the representation of public administration in those committees is much more limited due to this principle. Furthermore, the mobilisation of local residents and the bringing together of actors from the local area with different social and institutional backgrounds to become an active part of LEADER+ was more successful in Finland than in Germany. Tri-partition as applied in Finland should serve as a model for similar policies in other EU member states. EU integration changed the formal and informal inter-institutional relations linking the different levels of government. The third sector including non-governmental institutions and interest groups gained access to policy-making processes and increasingly interact with government institutions at all levels of public administration. These developments do not necessarily result in the empowering of the local level.

Traditional Village Governance (Desa Adat) and Inter-ethnic Conflict in Bali : A Study of Conflict between Balinese and Migrants: Cases from Municipality of Denpasar

Regional autonomy in Indonesia was initially introduced as a means of pacifying regional disappointment at the central government. Not only did the Regional Autonomy Law of 1999 give the Balinese a chance to express grievance regarding the centralist policies of the Jakarta government but also provided an opportunity to return to the regional, exclusive, traditional village governance (desa adat). As a result, the problems faced by the island, particularly ethnic conflicts, are increasingly handled by the mechanism of this traditional type of governance. Traditional village governance with regard to ethnic conflicts (occurring) between Balinese and migrants has never been systematically analyzed. Existing analyses emphasized only the social context, but do not explain either the cause of conflicts and the ensuing problems entails or the virtues of traditional village governance mechanisms for mediating in the conflict. While some accounts provide snapshots, they lack both theoretical and conflict study perspective. The primary aim of this dissertation is to explore the expression and the causes of conflict between the Balinese and migrants and to advance the potential of traditional village governance as a means of conflict resolution with particular reference to the municipality of Denpasar. One conclusion of the study is that the conflict between the Balinese and migrants has been expressed on the level of situation/contradiction, attitudes, and behavior. Yet the driving forces behind the conflict itself consist of the following factors: absence of cooperation; incompatible position and perception; inability to communicate effectively; and problem of inequality and injustice, which comes to the surface as a social, cultural, and economic problem. This complex of factors fuels collective fear for the future of both groups. The study concludes that traditional village governance mechanisms as a means of conflict resolution have not yet been able to provide an enduring resolution for the conflict. Analysis shows that the practice of traditional village governance is unable to provide satisfactory mechanisms for the conflict as prescribed by conflict resolution theory. Traditional village governance, which is derived from the exclusive Hindu-Balinese culture, is accepted as more legitimate among the Balinese than the official governance policies. However, it is not generally accepted by most of the Muslim migrants. In addition, traditional village governance lacks access to economic instruments, which weakens its capacity to tackle the economic roots of the conflict. Thus the traditional mechanisms of migrant ordinance , as practiced by the traditional village governance have not yet been successful in penetrating all aspects of the conflict. Finally, one of the main challenges for traditional village governance s legal development is the creation of a regional legal system capable of accommodating rapid changes in line with the national and international legal practices. The framing of the new laws should be responsive to the aspirations of a changing society. It should not only protect the various Balinese communities interests, but also that of other ethnic groups, especially those of the minority. In other words, the main challenge to traditional village governance is its ability to develop flexibility and inclusiveness.