946 resultados para Morris County (N.J.)--Maps.


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Studies of urban metabolism provide important insights for environmental management of cities, but are not widely used in planning practice due to a mismatch of data scale and coverage. This paper introduces the Spatial Allocation of Material Flow Analysis (SAMFA) model as a potential decision support tool aimed as a contribution to overcome some of these difficulties and describes its pilot use at the county level in the Republic of Ireland. The results suggest that SAMFA is capable of identifying hotspots of higher material and energy use to support targeted planning initiatives, while its ability to visualise different policy scenarios supports more effective multi-stakeholder engagement. The paper evaluates this pilot use and sets out how this model can act as an analytical platform for the industrial ecology–spatial planning nexus.

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The Parker Morris report of 1961 attempted, through the application of scientific principles, to define the minimum living space standards needed to accommodate household activities. But while early modernist research into ideas of existenzminimum were the work of avant-garde architects and thinkers, this report was commissioned by the British State. This normalization of scientific enquiry into space can be considered not only a response to new conditions in the mass production of housing – economies of scale, prefabrication, system-building and modular coordination – but also to the post-war boom in consumer goods. The domestic interior was assigned a key role as a privileged site of mass consumption as the production and micro-management of space in Britain became integral to the development of a planned national economy underpinned by Fordist principles. The apparently placeless and scale-less diagrams executed by Gordon Cullen to illustrate Parker Morris emblematize these relationships. Walls dissolve as space flows from inside to outside in a homogenized and ephemeral landscape whose limits are perhaps only the boundaries of the nation state and the circuits of capital.

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During the Irish War of Independence, between 1919 and 1921, Longford was one of the centres of the Irish Republican Army's guerrilla campaign against British rule in Ireland. The county's emergence as a centre of republican activity appears incongruous in light of its relatively peaceful history up to that point and in view of the fact that, outside of Dublin, its neighbouring Leinster counties were not particularly strongholds of IRA resistance. The explanation for Longford's role during the crucial years of the independence campaign is to be found in the political ransformation that occurred in the county in the crucial period of turmoil encompassing World War I and the Easter Rising.

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Conventional practice in Regional Geochemistry includes as a final step of any geochemical campaign the generation of a series of maps, to show the spatial distribution of each of the components considered. Such maps, though necessary, do not comply with the compositional, relative nature of the data, which unfortunately make any conclusion based on them sensitive
to spurious correlation problems. This is one of the reasons why these maps are never interpreted isolated. This contribution aims at gathering a series of statistical methods to produce individual maps of multiplicative combinations of components (logcontrasts), much in the flavor of equilibrium constants, which are designed on purpose to capture certain aspects of the data.
We distinguish between supervised and unsupervised methods, where the first require an external, non-compositional variable (besides the compositional geochemical information) available in an analogous training set. This external variable can be a quantity (soil density, collocated magnetics, collocated ratio of Th/U spectral gamma counts, proportion of clay particle fraction, etc) or a category (rock type, land use type, etc). In the supervised methods, a regression-like model between the external variable and the geochemical composition is derived in the training set, and then this model is mapped on the whole region. This case is illustrated with the Tellus dataset, covering Northern Ireland at a density of 1 soil sample per 2 square km, where we map the presence of blanket peat and the underlying geology. The unsupervised methods considered include principal components and principal balances
(Pawlowsky-Glahn et al., CoDaWork2013), i.e. logcontrasts of the data that are devised to capture very large variability or else be quasi-constant. Using the Tellus dataset again, it is found that geological features are highlighted by the quasi-constant ratios Hf/Nb and their ratio against SiO2; Rb/K2O and Zr/Na2O and the balance between these two groups of two variables; the balance of Al2O3 and TiO2 vs. MgO; or the balance of Cr, Ni and Co vs. V and Fe2O3. The largest variability appears to be related to the presence/absence of peat.

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6.00 pm. If people like watching T.V. while they are eating their evening meal, space for a low table is needed (Ministry of Housing and Local Government, Space in the Home, 1963, p. 4).

This paper re-examines the 1961 Parker Morris report on housing standards in Britain. It explores the origins, scope, text and iconography of the report and suggests that these not only express a particularly modernist conception of space but one which presupposed very specific economic conditions and geographies.

Also known as Homes for Today and Tomorrow Parker Morris attempted, through the application of scientific principles, to define the minimum living space standards needed to accommodate household activities. But while early modernist research into notions of existenzminimum were the work of avant-garde architects and thinkers, Homes for Today and Tomorrow and its sister design manual Space in the Home were commissioned by the British State. This normalization of scientific enquiry into space can be considered not only as a response to new conditions in the mass production of housing – economies of scale, prefabrication, system-building and modular coordination – but also to the post-war boom in consumer goods. In this, it is suggested that the domestic interior was assigned a key role as a privileged site of mass consumption as the production and micro-management of space in Britain became integral to the development of a planned national economy underpinned by Fordist principles. Parker Morris, therefore, sought to accommodate activities which were pre-determined not so much by traditional social or familial ties but rather by recently introduced commodities such as the television set, white goods, table tennis tables and train sets. This relationship between the domestic interior and the national economy are emblematized by the series of placeless and scale-less diagrams executed by Gordon Cullen in Space in the Home. Here, walls dissolve as space flows from inside to outside in a homogenized and ephemeral landscape whose limits are perhaps only the boundaries of the nation state and the circuits of capital.

In Britain, Parker Morris was the last explicit State-sponsored attempt to prescribe a normative spatial programme for national living. The calm neutral efficiency of family-life expressed in its diagrams was almost immediately problematised by the rise of 1960s counter-culture, the feminist movement and the oil crisis of 1972 which altered perhaps forever the spatial, temporal and economic conditions it had taken for granted. The debate on space-standards, however, continues.

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