830 resultados para Islamic NGO
Resumo:
Over sixty years ago, British high court judge Patrick Devlin and legal philosopher H.L.A. Hart fought out a famous debate over the legal enforcement of morality, which was generated by the question whether homosexuality should be legalized or not. Jurists agree that this debate was won by Hart, also evidenced in the fact that the state has since been retreating from its previous role of moral watchdog. I argue in this paper that the two most conflicted and essentially unresolved issues in the integration of Islam, the regulation of the female body and of free speech, have reopened this debate anew, pushing the liberal state toward the legal regulation of morality, thus potentially putting at risk its liberalness. I use the Hart-Devlin debate as a template for comparing and contrasting the Muslim quest for restricting free speech with the host-society quest for restricting the Islamic veil. Accordingly, there is a double threat to liberalism, which this paper brings into view in tandem, one originating from Islam and another from a hypertrophied defense of liberalism.
Resumo:
Environmental aspects are increasingly being integrated in Negev Bedouin studies by both, NGO activists and scholars. We will present these recent works and discuss new concepts and methodologies of environmental studies with potential relevance in the field of Negev Bedouin studies. We will then identify research areas where environmental and development approaches converge or diverge with mainstream social sciences on this specific field of research. While most of the Bedouin population in southern Israel lives in urban centers in the Northern Negev, a large part of Bedouin people live in unrecognized clusters of houses in remote areas. Extensive livestock rearing is an important source of livelihood at least for non-urbanized Bedouin, the latter forming the lowest economic strata of the Israeli spectrum of incomes. Numerous stressors affect this Bedouin community enduring uncertain livelihood and access to land. The erratic precipitations from year to year and long-term changes in precipitation trends are a source of great uncertainty. With a significant price increase for feeding supplements to compensate for dry years, livestock rearing has become a harsher source of livelihood. Land scarcity for grazing adds to the difficulty in ensuring enough income for living. Studies in the last 15 years have described several livelihood strategies based on a livestock rearing semi-nomadic economy in the Negev. A number of other analyses have shown how Bedouin herders and governmental agencies have found agreements at the advantage of both, the agencies and the herders. New concepts such as transformability, resilience and adaptation strategies are important tools to analyze the capacity of vulnerable communities to cope with an ever increasing livelihood uncertainty. Such research concepts can assist in better understanding how Bedouin herders in the Negev may adapt to climate and political risks.
Resumo:
Since 9/11, 2001, a new form of religious extremism has arguably emerged, one which paradoxically portrays itself as a counter to another perceived extremism regarded as a real and imminent threat. Within North America and Western Europe, as elsewhere, there is an upsurge of various forms of reactionary rhetoric and opposition expressed towards Islam and Muslims. An increase in extremist behaviour, even violence, is appearing from quarters opposed to, or varyingly fearful of, Islamic extremism if not Islam or Muslims. Islamophobia, as a manifestation of fear of an exclusionary Islam, manifests as exclusionary or negatively reactive behaviours with Muslims and Islam as the target. This article explores the idea that Islamophobia can be regarded as a manifestation of religious extremism and, further, that such extremism is construable as “reactive co-radicalization.” It focuses on two European cases – the 2009 Swiss ban on the building of minarets and the 2011 Norwegian massacre carried out by Anders Breivik – as examples of this “reactive co-radicalization.” This term, I suggest, is an apt denominator for the exclusionary reaction to the rising presence of Islam within otherwise secular, albeit nominally Christian, Western European and North American societies, among others.
Resumo:
Extremist rhetoric and behaviour, including violence, emanating from those fearing and opposed to Islamic extremism—and typically generalising that to Islam or Muslims—is undeniable. Equally, there is evidence of Muslim rhetoric that fires up fears of a threatening West and antipathy to religious ‘others’ as damned infidels, including Christians and Jews who are otherwise regarded as co-religionists—as ‘peoples of the Book’. Mutual discontent and antipathy abound. On the one hand, Islamic extremism provokes a reactionary extremism from parts, at least, of the non-Muslim world; on the other hand, Muslim extremism appears often in response to the perception of an aggressive and impositional colonising non-Muslim world. ‘Reactive Co-Radicalization’, I suggest, names this mutual rejection and exclusionary circle currently evident, in particular, with respect to many Muslim and non-Muslim communities. This article discusses reactive co-radicalization as a hermeneutical perspective on religious extremism with particular reference to two European cases.
Resumo:
The Islamic headscarf has become the subject of heated legal and political debate. France and Germany have legislated against it, and even the UK, long a champion of multiculturalism, has recently restricted the veil proper. Ever since home-grown Islamic terrorism struck Europe, these debates have become even more prominent, impassioned and wide-ranging, with vital global importance. In this concise and beautifully written introduction to the politics of the veil in modern societies, Christian Joppke examines why a piece of clothing could have led to such controversy. He dissects the multiple meanings of the Islamic headscarf, and explores its links with the global rise of Islam, Muslim integration, and the retreat from multiculturalism. He argues that the headscarf functions as a mirror of identity, but one in which national and liberal identities overlap, exposing the paradox that while it may be an affront to liberal values, its suppression is equally illiberal.
Resumo:
This thesis seeks to analyze the relationship between public attitudes toward refugees in a refugee receiving state and the realization of the legal rights afforded refugees (de facto rights). I hypothesize that the more negative a host culture is toward refugees, the less refugees are able to realize their rights. Conversely, the more positive a host culture is toward refugees, the more refugees are able to realize their rights. I test the hypothesis through a case study of refugee populations in Cape Town, South Africa, based on research conducted from May to June 2007. The orientation (positive or negative) of the host culture's perceptions toward a refugee group (Independent Variable) is measured through: (1) a coded content analysis of the South African media, (2) a coded content analysis of semi-structured interviews, and (3) an assessment of secondary source public opinion surveys and reports. The realization of refugee rights (Dependent Variable) is operationalized as a function of two rights: (1) the right to personal physical integrity and (2) the right to protection from unlawful detention. These rights are measured by coding (1) media reports and (2) interviews, and by (3) assessing NGO reports and secondary source public opinion surveys. My empirical data shows that the cultural orientation toward refugees is not overwhelmingly negative, and the realization of rights is not conclusively "low." However, the frequency of data coded "negative" and "low" versus "positive" or "high" suggest that South Africans regard refugees somewhat negatively and that rights are not fully realized. This finding is strengthened by the analysis of secondary sources and field notes.
Resumo:
Currently, the barriers to appropriate infant feeding practices are largely unknown in the Central River Division of the Gambia. A questionnaire was developed and implemented by a local Non Governmental Organization (NGO), the Gambia Food and Nutrition Agency, in order to gain more information and ultimately to improve the child mortality rate of the country. There were two participant groups: 88 Doers who are women who had adopted the appropriate complementary feeding practice guidelines as defined by the World Health Organization and 87 Non Doers who are women who had in some way strayed from the appropriate complementary feeding practice guidelines. The questionnaire included aspects of the Health Belief Model which can be used in the development of a future intervention. The Yes/No questions were analyzed using the Chi-square statistical method and the open-ended questions used a descriptive analysis method of evaluation. The constructs for perceived susceptibility, perceived action efficacy, perceived self efficacy, cues for action and perception of divine showed significant differences between the Doers and the Non Doers (p<0.05). The descriptive analysis revealed that both participant groups had a limited understanding of the preventative qualities of the adoption of appropriate complementary feeding practices. The women in both of groups also showed a strong perception of divine will. Women in the Central River Division perceive their husband and in-laws to be the most influential in the decision-making process regarding infant feeding practices. Recommendations for future interventions must acknowledge the importance and influence of the community surrounding the women in their adoption of the appropriate infant feeding practices. It would also be important to educate women about of the specific guidelines of the appropriate complementary feeding practices, specifically the delay in early initiation of complementary feeding. The results of this barrier analysis provide useful information to plan and implement an effective intervention to improve the child mortality rate in the Gambia. ^
Resumo:
Background. HPV is the underlying cause of cervical cancer, a malignant tumor of the female genital tract. Each year, cervical cancer is newly diagnosed in approximately 10,000 women, and over 3,000 women die from the malignancy. In addition, HPV is implicated as a cause of other cancers involving the genital tract, male and female, and the head and neck. ^ Gardasil, a vaccine against HPV, was licensed by the FDA in June 2006. Early study results have shown Gardasil to be safe and effective at preventing HPV infections that are commonly associated with the development of cervical cancer, as well as other HPV-related cancers and genital warts. The vaccine is most effective when administered in childhood, before initial exposure to HPV, which typically occurs shortly after the onset of sexual activity. Accordingly, the CDC's Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP) has recommended routine vaccination of females aged 11-12 years. ^ Taking the ACIP recommendation one step further, many states have considered school-based mandates of the HPV vaccine in an attempt to reduce the burden of HPV-related illness, in particular to reduce the disparately high incidence of cervical cancer in medically underserved populations. These mandate attempts have sparked heated debate—highlighting public concerns regarding adolescent sexuality, corporate greed, and vaccines in general. ^ Methods. My research focuses on publicly available sources of information such as medical journals, government reports (federal and state), NGO reports, newspapers, and books. I begin with a background discussion of HPV, cervical cancer, and the HPV vaccine. I then discuss public health policy issues related to vaccines, vaccine mandates, and HPV-related illness. Specifically, I discuss the public health benefit of previous vaccine mandates, the legality of vaccine mandates, and the undue corporate influence on the politics of instituting HPV vaccine mandates. In addition, I examine some of the causes behind the anti-vaccine movement and the controversy surrounding adolescent sexuality as it pertains to the HPV vaccine. In the final section, I focus on the recent failed attempt by Governor Rick Perry to mandate the HPV vaccine in Texas. A retrospective analysis of Governor Perry's policy decisions is undertaken and recommendations are made regarding future attempts to mandate the HPV vaccine, or other vaccines under development for similar sexually transmitted viral diseases such as HIV and herpes simplex. ^ Results. In Texas, as in other states across the country, HPV vaccine mandates faced opposition from those who, while they may support mandates of other vaccines, oppose mandates for the HPV vaccine based largely on the idea that HPV is a sexually transmitted disease—they see responsible sexual behavior as the appropriate method for preventing HPV-related illness. A second major group of opposition comes from those who are generally opposed to all vaccine mandates, due to concerns that mandates are intended primarily for the financial benefit of the pharmaceutical industry or due to concerns—largely unfounded—that vaccines pose a greater health threat than the illnesses they are designed to prevent. ^ Conclusion. In order to reduce opposition to vaccine mandates, care must be taken to educate the public regarding the benefits of vaccination by mobilizing the public health sector, avoid the impression that the decision to institute mandates is rash or pressured by allowing time for open debate, and minimize lobbying efforts by vaccine manufacturers. ^
Resumo:
It is the aim of this paper to examine iron supplementation programs which receive funding from United States Agency for International Development (USAID) but approach combating iron deficiency anemia in two vastly different ways. A brief literature review and background information on iron deficiencies and the differences between supplementation programs and micronutrient fortification were reviewed. Two non-governmental organizations (NGO's) were examined for this paper: the Food and Nutrition Technical Assistance II (FANTA) and the MicroNutrient Initiative. The FANTA program included an educational component to their supplementation program while the MicroNutrient Initiative solely used supplementation of micronutrients to their population. Methods used were cost-benefit analysis and cost-effectiveness analysis to determine the overall effectiveness of each program in reducing iron deficiency anemia in each population, if the added costs of the incentives in the FANTA program changed the cost-effectiveness of the program compared to the MicroNutrient Initiative program and to determine which program imparted the greatest benefit to each population by reducing the disease burden in Disability Adjusted Life Years (DALY). Results showed that the unit cost of the FANTA program per person was higher than the MicroNutrient Initiative program due to the educational component. The FANTA program reduced iron deficiency anemia less overall but cost less for each percentage point of anemia decreased in their respective populations. The MicroNutrient Initiative program had a better benefit cost ratio for the populations it served. The MicroNutrient Initiative's large scale program imparted many advantages by reducing unit cost per person and decreasing iron deficiency anemia. The FANTA program was more effective at decreasing iron deficiency anemia with less money: $5,660 per 1% decrease in iron deficiency anemia versus $18,450 per 1% decrease in iron deficiency anemia for the MicroNutrient Initiative program. ^ In conclusion, economic analysis cannot measure all of the benefits associated with programs that contain an educational component or large scale supplementation. More information needs to be gathered by NGOs and reported to USAID, such as detailed prevalence rates of iron deficiency anemia among the populations served. Further research is needed to determine the effects an educational supplementation program has on compliance rates of participants and motivation to participate in supplementation programs whose aim is to decrease iron deficiency anemia in a targeted population.^