Expanding Role Theory: US Responses to Hizb'allah and Iran

There are many sociopolitical theories to help explain why governments and actors do what they do. Securitization Theory is a process-oriented theory in international relations that focuses on how an actor defines another actor as an “existential threat,” and the resulting responses that can be taken in order to address that threat. While Securitization Theory is an acceptable method to analyze the relationships between actors in the international system, this thesis contends that the proper examination is multi-factorial, focusing on the addition of Role Theory to the analysis. Consideration of Role Theory, which is another international relations theory that explains how an actor’s strategies, relationships, and perceptions by others is based on pre-conceptualized definitions of that actor’s identity, is essential in order to fully explain why an actor might respond to another in a particular way. Certain roles an actor may enact produce a rival relationship with other actors in the system, and it is those rival roles that elicit securitized responses. The possibility of a securitized response lessens when a role or a relationship between roles becomes ambiguous. There are clear points of role rivalry and role ambiguity between Hizb’allah and Iran, which has directly impacted, and continues to impact, how the United States (US) responds to these actors. Because of role ambiguity, the US has still not conceptualized an effective way to deal with Hizb’allah and Iran holistically across all its various areas of operation and in its various enacted roles. It would be overly simplistic to see Hizb’allah and Iran solely through one lens depending on which hemisphere or continent one is observing. The reality is likely more nuanced. Both Role Theory and Securitization theory can help to understand and articulate those nuances. By examining two case studies of Hizb’allah and Iran’s enactment of various roles in both the Middle East and Latin America, the situations where roles cause a securitized response and where the response is less securitized due to role ambiguity will become clear. Using this augmented approach of combining both theories, along with supplementing the manner in which an actor, action, or role is analyzed, will produce better methods for policy-making that will be able to address the more ambiguous activities of Hizb’allah and Iran in these two regions.

An identity-based motivational model of the effects of perceived discrimination on health-related behaviors

Perceived discrimination is associated with increased engagement in unhealthy behaviors. We propose an identity-based pathway to explain this link. Drawing on an identity-based motivation model of health behaviors (Oyserman, Fryberg, & Yoder, 2007), we propose that erceptions of discrimination lead individuals to engage in ingroup-prototypical behaviors in the service of validating their identity and creating a sense of ingroup belonging. To the extent that people perceive unhealthy behaviors as ingroup-prototypical, perceived discrimination may thus increase motivation to engage in unhealthy behaviors. We describe our theoretical model and two studies that demonstrate initial support for some paths in this model. In Study 1, African American participants who reflected on racial discrimination were more likely to endorse unhealthy ingroup-prototypical behavior as self-characteristic than those who reflected on a neutral event. In Study 2, among African American participants who perceived unhealthy behaviors to be ingroup-prototypical, discrimination predicted greater endorsement of unhealthy behaviors as self-characteristic as compared to a control condition. These effects held both with and without controlling for body mass index (BMI) and income. Broader implications of this model for how discrimination adversely affects health-related decisions are discussed.

La mesure alternative d’hostilité dans les relations de rivalité interacteur.

Le présent travail explore le phénomène de la rivalité interétatique1 et les mesures de son intensité. Chacune des définitions existantes de la rivalité fait la lumière sur l’une de ses caractéristiques. La rivalité durable met l’accent sur la compétition militarisée, la rivalité stratégique accorde une importance particulière à la perception de l’ennemi, tandis que la rivalité interétatique est axée sur les questions autour desquelles la compétition se déroule. Ces visions différentes du phénomène de la rivalité laissent leur empreinte sur son opérationnalisation et sur le choix des paramètres visant à le capter. Nous réunissons ces trois interprétations dans une seule définition de rivalité interacteur, en proposant une nouvelle classification des actions hostiles, ainsi que la mesure alternative d’hostilité fondée sur la fréquence de ces dernières. Les quatre études de cas suivantes nous ont permis d’atteindre ces objectifs : les relations de rivalité entre l’Afghanistan et le Pakistan, entre l’Arménie et l’Azerbaïdjan, entre le Bélize et le Guatemala, ainsi qu’entre la Somalie et l’Éthiopie.

Rwanda's Miracle: From Genocide and Poverty to Peace and Economic Prosperity

The purpose of this thesis was to examine how liberalization and the introduction of pro-poor policies can be successful in post-conflict countries using the Rwanda coffee market as a case study. My research supports the notion that economic development, political stability and peace can be a result of liberalization when policies that are pro-poor and focus on the largest sector of the population are created. The study examines why and how Rwanda chose to liberalize their economy in the way they did by focusing on the intentions of the actors and the effects their actions have had on the coffee market and country as a whole. The findings suggest that Rwanda’s coffee market liberalization has been successful and has contributed to stability and economic development in Rwanda. The conclusion indicates that pro-poor liberalization policies with the assistance from a variety of actors and institutions can lead developing countries on the path to development in ways the international community has not seen before.

From labelling to social aid for immigrants in the 21st Century

Migration is as old as humanity, but since the 1990s migration flows in Western Europe have led to societies that are not just multicultural but so-called «super-diverse». As a result, Western towns now have very complex social structures, with amongst others large amounts of small immigrant communities that are in constant change. In this paper we argue that for social workers to be able to offer adequate professional help to non-native residents in town, they will need balanced view of ‘culture’ and of the role culture plays in social aid. Culture is never static, but is continually changing. By teaching social workers about how to look at cultural backgrounds of immigrant groups and about the limitations of then role that culture plays in communication, they will be better equipped to provide adequate aid and will contribute to making various groups grow towards each other and to avoid people thinking in terms of ‘out-group-homogeneity’. Nowadays, inclusion is a priority in social work that almost every social worker supports. Social workers should have an open attitude to allow them to approach every individual as a unique person. They will see the other person as the person they are, and not as a part of a specific cultural group. Knowledge about the others makes them see the cultural heterogeneity in every group. The social sector, though, must be aware not to fall into the trap of the ‘inclusion mania’! This will cause the social deprivation of a particular group to be forgotten. An inclusive policy requires an inclusive society. Otherwise, this could result in even more deprivation of other groups, already discriminated against. Emancipation of deprived people demands a certain target-group policymaking. Categorized aid will raise efficiency of working with immigrants and of acknowledging the cultural identity of the non-natives group. It will also create the possibility to work on fighting social deprivation, in which most immigrants can be found.

TTIP vs. BRICS: Consequences on Geopolitics and Internacional Relations of the XXIst. Century

The TTIP is a proposal on negotiations between the EU and the USA in order to create the largest free international trade area by extension, population and volume of trade of all existing ones. In our view, TTIP would be the geoeconomic answer to BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), as a comercial, geopolitical and cooperation space in other areas such as the military, in both that TTIP reproduce on a commercial scale the political and military alliance already existing between good part of the EU and USA by the NATO. In this paper we will try to explain why the possible rivalry between TTIP and BRICS would reproduce in the XXIst. Century the schemes of “Cold War” inherited from XXth. Century, that in turn reproduced the geopolitical confrontations arising from the theory of Haltford McKinder pivot area and the traditional opposition between thalassocratic imperialisms (government on the seas and oceans) and tellurocratic imperialisms (government on an enormous portion of emerged land). Likewise, we will try to show why, at a dialectic of States level, the most populated, territorially extensive and with greater amount of resources political societies will be those that have the greatest ability to impose a particular model of international relations and its geopolitical hegemony on a universal scale in response to this viable confrontation between TTIP, plus TTP, vs. BRICS.

La Unión Europea y la OTAN en el marco de la nueva Estrategia Global de Seguridad de la Unión Europea

El artículo analiza la relación entre la Unión Europea y la OTAN en cuestiones de defensa, según se ha reflejado en las estrategias de seguridad de la Unión Europea, con particular atención a la Estrategia Global de la Unión Europea presentada en 2016. Se estudia la Estrategia de Seguridad Europea de 2003, el Informe de Implementación de 2008, y las nuevas aproximaciones al contexto internacional y a la seguridad europea que se reflejan en la Estrategia Global. Se analiza también el papel de la OTAN, así como la evolución de la política de seguridad de los Estados Unidos hacia Europa durante la Administración Obama. Finalmente se discute el posible futuro de la Política Común de Seguridad y Defensa de la UE (PCSD) después del Bréxit, así como las consecuencias para su relación con la OTAN.

Caught in the conundrum: neoliberalism and education in post-conflict Northern Ireland: Exploring Shared Education

Northern Ireland (NI) is emerging from a violent period in its troubled history and remains a
society characterized by segregation between its two main communities. Nowhere is this more
apparent than in education, where for the most part Catholic and Protestant pupils are
educated separately. During the last 30 years there has been a twofold pressure placed on the
education system in NI - at one level to respond to intergroup tensions by promoting
reconciliation, and at another, to deal with national policy demands derived from a global neoliberalist
economic agenda. With reference to current efforts to promote shared education
between separate schools, we explore the uneasy dynamic between a school-based
reconciliation programme in a transitioning society and system-wide values that are driven by
neo-liberalism and its organizational manifestation - new managerialism. We argue that whilst
the former seeks to promote social democratic ideals in education that can have a potentially
transformative effect at societal level, neoliberal priorities have the potential to both subvert
shared education and also to embed it.

Territoriality and Migration in a Divided Society: Lay Theories of Citizenship and Place in Northern Ireland

The study of citizenship has increasingly focused on the ways in which spatialized understandings of the concept can be used to marginalise and exclude social groups: exclusive constructions of national boundaries, local neighbourhoods and public spaces can deny marginalised groups their social and political rights. Less attention has been paid to how constructions of place can accommodate different groups’ rights and promote peaceful coexistence. This is particularly important in locations where migration disrupts existing understandings (‘lay theories’) of the relationship between residency, identity and collective rights. The present research examines how spatialized understandings of citizenship shape perceptions of intergroup mixing in previously segregated areas of a post-conflict society. Critical Discursive Social Psychological (CDSP) analysis of 30 interviews with long-term residents and recent migrants to increasingly mixed areas of Belfast shows that, while all pa
rticipants acknowledged Northern Ireland’s territorialisation, different lay theories of citizenship underpin the possibility and desirability of intergroup coexistence. Long-term residents drew upon understandings of the negative citizenry of the outgroup to argue against the possibility of peaceful coexistence within their locale, while recent incomers gave evidence of their own experiences of good citizenship within the shared spaces of neighbourhood to demonstrate that this could and should be achieved. The implications of lay theories of citizenship for the study of residential migration and mixing are discussed

Exploring the influences on classroom-based contact via shared education in Northern Ireland

Initiatives in intercultural education have frequently involved the promotion of contact between members of different groups as a means of improving intergroup relations. Experience from Northern Ireland suggests, however, that such schemes have often been organised and delivered in such a way that opportunities for sustained, high-quality contact are limited. This paper considers processes of contact in one relatively recent initiative, “shared education”, which involves collaboration between separate schools to deliver classes to Catholic and Protestant pupils in mixed groups. Employing qualitative methods of observation and interviewing to capture participants’ experiences of contact, the research explores the influences on the quality and frequency of cross-group interaction in the shared class. With findings highlighting the subject and pedagogy, teacher’s approach and classroom arrangement as key factors, the study offers suggestions for policy and practice to enhance opportunities for contact and relationship-building in mixed classes.

Complexity of risk: Mixed methods approach to understanding youth risk and insecurity in post-conflict settings

In settings of intergroup conflict, identifying contextually-relevant risk factors for youth development in an important task. In Vukovar, Croatia, a city devastated during the war in former Yugoslavia, ethno-political tensions remain. The current study utilized a mixed method approach to identify two salient community-level risk factors (ethnic tension and general antisocial behavior) and related emotional insecurity responses (ethnic and non-ethnic insecurity) among youth in Vukovar. In Study 1, focus group discussions (N=66) with mother, fathers, and adolescents 11 to 15-years-old were analyzed using the Constant Comparative Method, revealing two types of risk and insecurity responses. In Study 2, youth (N=227, 58% male, M=15.88 SD=1.12 years old) responded to quantitative scales developed from the focus groups; discriminate validity was demonstrated and path analyses established predictive validity between each type of risk and insecurity. First, community ethnic tension (i.e., threats related to war/ethnic identity) significantly predicted ethnic insecurity for all youth (β=.41, p<.001). Second, experience with community antisocial behavior (i.e., general crime found in any context) predicted non-ethnic community insecurity for girls (β=.32, p<.05), but not for boys. These findings are the first to show multiple forms of emotional insecurity at the community level; implications for future research are discussed.

Relações interétnicas em conflito entre Makuxi e Wapixana na terra indígena Raposa Serra do Sol

This dissertation present an analysis of the interethnic conflict between Makuxi and Wapixana at the current moment in the Maloca of the Adobe, Aboriginal Land Fox-Mountain range of the Sun, in the State of Roraima. The theoretical field was boarded in the Ethnology, pursuing situations in local history, with edges in ethno-history. The research elapsed of the deepening necessity on the social relations and aboriginal politics, for the intercultural professional exercise of educator, appealing the bibliographical survey and participant comment as method; not directive interviews, photographs, filmings and daily register in of field, as techniques carried through in the period of 2006 to 2007. Although to inhabit in the same area and to establish marriages between itself, individuals and groups express tensions, aggravated with the landmark and legal recognition of the area, which generated inter dispute and intraetnias, mainly with the intrusion of farmers, rizicultores and the form of governmental influence. A relation of rivalry, individual and collective was evidenced, suggesting the strengthenig and not it fractionly, of the fights external politics, interns and in way to the cultural diversity and social adversity

Imagens das línguas de alunos do 6º ano : um estudo em Aveiro

O presente estudo é o resultado de um projeto investigativo que, embora se relacione com a Sensibilização à Diversidade Linguística, tem como tema principal as Imagens das Línguas. Este estudo, cujo título é “Imagens das línguas de alunos do 6.º ano: um estudo em Aveiro”, tem como objetivos perceber quais as imagens das línguas dos alunos do 6.º ano, verificar qual a língua em que estes alunos se matriculam no ano seguinte e se essa escolha foi baseada em imagens estereotipadas das línguas (e em quais) e averiguar se a imagem que os alunos do 6.º ano têm sobre línguas influencia a sua escolha para aprendizagem posterior. Os dados foram recolhidos através de instrumentos distintos (o desenho e o inquérito por questionário). Primeiramente, os discentes elaboraram quatro desenhos seguindo as instruções “desenha-te a falar a tua língua materna”, “desenha-te a falar uma língua que já aprendeste”, “desenha-te a falar uma língua que gostavas de aprender” e “desenha-te a falar uma língua que não gostavas de aprender”. Seguindo-se o preenchimento do inquérito por questionário, composto por cinco questões, relacionadas com as quatro línguas em estudo (português, francês, espanhol e inglês) e que faziam parte da recolha de dados através do desenho. Relativamente ao tratamento de dados optamos pela utilização de categorias de análise (línguas como objetos afetivos, objetos de ensino-aprendizagem, instrumentos de construção e afirmação de identidades individuais e coletivas, objetos de poder e como instrumentos de construção de relações interpessoais e intergrupais), que permitiram perceber quais as imagens das línguas dos alunos inquiridos. Os resultados permitiram-nos perceber que as imagens que os alunos do 6.º ano têm das línguas portuguesa, francesa, espanhola e inglesa são, de alguma forma, estereotipadas. A maioria dos alunos tem uma imagem das línguas como instrumentos de construção e afirmação de identidades individuais e coletivas, isto é, imagens associadas à relação língua/história de um povo/cultura. Contudo, concluímos que esta imagem cultural das línguas também está associada a uma imagem afetiva, salientando a relação aluno/língua/cultura. Partindo das nossas conclusões, poder-se-ão, no futuro desenvolver sessões de Sensibilização à Diversidade Linguística, com o objetivo de (re)construir as Imagens das Línguas que os alunos têm.

"Vi som sköter oss" : En kvalitativ intervjustudie om främlingsfientlighet och dess orsaker i relation till medierapportering kring invandring och flyktingfrågor

Under flyktingkrisen 2015 hårdnade debatten kring flyktingmigration och de främlingsfientliga rösterna höjdes. Som ett resultat av den mediala uppmärksamheten kring flyktingkrisen anses nu invandrings- och integrationsfrågan vara den överlägset viktigaste samhällsfrågan i Sverige. Forskning kring främlingsfientlighet har i stor utsträckning genomförts ur majoritetsbefolkningens perspektiv, i denna studie ligger fokus istället på personer med utländsk bakgrund och deras erfarenheter av främlingsfientliga attityder. Genom en kvalitativ metod där åtta semistrukturerade intervjuer har genomförts har denna studie undersökt hur personer med utländsk bakgrund upplever främlingsfientlighet och dess orsaker i relation till medierapportering kring invandring och flyktingfrågor. Resultatet har analyserats med hjälp av Intergroup threat theory, Cultivation theory och stereotypisering och visar att främlingsfientlighet existerar mellan majoritets- och minoritetsgrupper men även inom minoritetsgrupper. De upplevelser som identifieras är huvudsakligen vardagliga händelser och dess orsaker grundar sig på samhälleliga problem, kulturskillnader och stereotyper. Enligt respondenterna framställer media personer med utländsk bakgrund och flyktingar övervägande negativt och påverkar därmed attityder och främlingsfientliga åsikter i det svenska samhället. Ett resultat av detta menar respondenterna är att Sverige har blivit mer främlingsfientligt på grund av den mediala rapporteringen kring flyktingkrisen.

Treino de músculos inspiratórios em indivíduos saudáveis: estudo randomizado controlado

Introdução – O treino dos músculos inspiratórios (TMI) surge como uma intervenção importante na população com doença pulmonar obstrutiva crónica (DPOC), mas com interesse crescente na população saudável. No entanto, não existem estudos suficientes que comprovem se o treino dos músculos inspiratórios se traduz também numa melhoria da capacidade aeróbia objetivada no consumo de oxigénio (VO2). Assim, a relação entre o TMI e os seus resultados no indivíduo saudável carece de estudo que comprove os efeitos reais do treino. Considerou-se, pelo anteriormente exposto, pertinente a realização de um estudo de investigação na população saudável que permitisse avaliar em que medida um programa de TMI induz alterações na força muscular inspiratória e na capacidade aeróbia. Métodos e análise – A amostra foi constituída por indivíduos saudáveis (n=19) com idades compreendidas entre os 18 e 21 anos que realizam exercício físico regularmente (≥3 vezes por semana ou ≥4h por semana). A capacidade aeróbia foi estimada através do Teste de Ebbeling e a força dos músculos inspiratórios foi medida pela pressão inspiratória máxima (PIM) obtida num dinamómetro específico (MicroRPM®), em dois momentos distintos (pré e pós-treino). A referida amostra foi dividida aleatoriamente em dois grupos (n=9 no grupo experimental e n=10 no grupo de controlo). O grupo experimental (GE) foi submetido a um TMI de alta intensidade (≥50% Pi,máx), enquanto o grupo de controlo (GC) não foi sujeito a qualquer intervenção. O TMI foi realizado através do PowerBreathe Classic® Level 1 e Level 2, que fornece uma pressão consistente e específica para a força muscular inspiratória, independentemente do fluxo inspiratório do indivíduo. Conclusões – Após o treino verificou-se um aumento de 37% na PIM do GE, enquanto o GC apresentou uma melhoria de 7%. Na comparação intragrupos, ambos os grupos aumentaram significativamente tanto a PIM como o VO2 (p<0,05). Já na comparação intergrupos, a diferença foi significativa para a PIM (p=0,000), mas não para o VO2. Serão necessários mais estudos no sentido de concluir e avaliar em que condições o TMI produz alterações na capacidade aeróbia.