Ideal Body Size as a Mediator for the Gender-Specific Association Between Socioeconomic Status and Body Mass Index: Evidence From an Upper-Middle-Income Country in the African Region.

While obesity continues to rise globally, the associations between body size, gender, and socioeconomic status (SES) seem to vary in different populations, and little is known on the contribution of perceived ideal body size in the social disparity of obesity in African countries. We examined the gender and socioeconomic patterns of body mass index (BMI) and perceived ideal body size in the Seychelles, a middle-income small island state in the African region. We also assessed the potential role of perceived ideal body size as a mediator for the gender-specific association between SES and BMI. A population-based survey of 1,240 adults aged 25 to 64 years conducted in December 2013. Participants' BMI was calculated based on measured weight and height; ideal body size was assessed using a nine-silhouette instrument. Three SES indicators were considered: income, education, and occupation. BMI and perceived ideal body size were both higher among men of higher versus lower SES (p< .001) but lower among women of higher versus lower SES (p< .001), irrespective of the SES indicator used. Multivariate analysis showed a strong and direct association between perceived ideal body size and BMI in both men and women (p< .001) and was consistent with a potential mediating role of perceived ideal body size in the gender-specific associations between SES and BMI. Our study emphasizes the importance of gender and socioeconomic differences in BMI and ideal body size and suggests that public health interventions that promote perception of healthy weight could help mitigate SES-related disparities in BMI.

International volunteers at a Costa Rican organic farm : sheepish volunteers, proud tourists and unwitting developers

This thesis analyzes the practices and experiences of two groups of Canadian volunteers who visited the organic fanning and "alternative development" project ofFinca la Flor (FLF) in central Costa Rica. Using both participant observation and in-depth interviews with volunteers and other people involved with FLF, I examine volunteers' understandings of their involvement with the fann. I argue that three discursive fonnations are instrumental in shaping this particular volunteering encounter. Specifically, interpretation of these Canadian volunteers' experiences inspires the argument that the emerging practice of international volunteering (or voluntourism) exists at the intersection of discourses of development, volunteering and tourism, all of which both reflect and maintain problematic North-South relationships. The analysis shows that in spite ofFLF's construction as an (alternative / sustainable) international-development project, and in spite of volunteers' initial conceptualization of their trip as "volunteering," volunteers tend to act and describe their time at FLF in ways that look more like tourism than like volunteer labor or international development. Likewise, although FLF claims to principally be focused on alternative development, and merely to open up this authentic development space to volunteers for their participation, the organization in both practice and discourse seems primarily to construct a tourist experience and cater to the needs of foreigners as tourists. Discourses of development and volunteering do infonn the practices offann personnel and volunteers at FLF, but they become subordinated to the more dominant discourse of tourism as the volunteers' and fann management's ideals of development and volunteering capitulate to become focused on satisfying volunteers' (perceived or "real") touristic desires. The FLF participants I studied may have entered the encounter as volunteers, but they departed the site having been tourists.

Rittermere Farm Craft Studio Fonds, 1951-2006

During the 1950’s, the Rittenhouse family of Vineland in the Niagara Peninsula opened a craft store and studio. Within a short period of time, they realized that resources for the craft of rug hooking were in demand and they began to build their business around this niche. Edna Rittenhouse, the mother, was the wool dyer; Margaret Rowan, the daughter, was the pattern designer; Ted Rowan, the son-in-law, changed careers and became the manager of the family business. The 1960’s were a prosperous time, not only in the Niagara Peninsula, but also for the Rittenhouse business. Edna Rittenhouse had been hooking rugs for decades but she and her family worked at developing and sharing newer techniques with newer materials. Shading manuals were authored and published; students became teachers; creativity abounded in the demand for and the creation of new designs. Instead of using woolen yarn, they were using pure woolen fabric; instead of using a standard cutter, they began using a uniquely designed cutter; instead of using frames, they employed a table top method. The new material and technique resulted in a rug with a smooth, uniform texture and a soft nap. Since many crafters belonged to crafters guilds, Margaret and Ted Rowan began promoting the idea of a guild for rug hookers and in time the Ontario Hooking Craft Guild was also a reality. A joint project between Chatelaine magazine and the Rittermere studio for Canada’s centennial year of 1967 was extremely well received within the circle of hooking crafters and the Rittermere Farm Craft Studio became a North American landmark for crafters. From this point onward the studio had a large customer base not only in North America but also overseas. The studio remained popular until 1984 when Margaret and Ted Rowan decided to retire. The Rittermere name has been preserved in the name of Rittermere-Hurst-Field which is a similar business located in Aurora which is just north of Toronto.

Niagara Falls Park: Notice to Treat to Sutherland Macklem, Esquire, 1885

The Niagara Parks Commission administrative headquarters are located in Oak Hall which is on the cliff above Dufferin Islands. In 1798 this land was granted by the crown to United Empire Loyalist James Skinner until 1898. A century later it was the home of the Clarks, Streets and Macklems. These families controlled the mills of Bridgewater which was a pioneer industrial village located at Dufferin Islands. Then, it was known as Clark Hill. Colonel Thomas Clark, commander of the Second Lincoln Militia in the War of 1812 is the earliest known occupant of the house. When Clark died in 1837, the house went to Thomas Clark Street who was the son of the Colonel’s partner. Mr. Street was a bachelor and his sister, widow of Dr. T.C. Macklem, managed his household. Mrs. Macklem had 2 sons. The eldest son drowned in the Niagara River at the age of 8 and the younger son, Sutherland became heir to the estate. Mr. Macklem opened Cynthia Islands and Cedar Island to the public and had roads built to reach them. Two suspension bridges connected them to the mainland and tolls were charged on the bridges. The improvements to the land cost Macklem $18,962. He called the bridges “Bridge Castor” and “Bridge Pollux”. There was also an office built at the end of Bridge Castor. Macklem also spent $454 fixing up the Burning Spring Building (the burning spring is enclosed in a barrel which collects gas and lets it out through a tube at the top). Macklem received a yearly income of $56,378.79 from tourists and visitors. In 1887 Cynthia Islands and Cedar Island were deeded to the crown and became part of Queen Victoria Park. The name Cynthia was changed to Dufferin in honour of Lord Dufferin. Sources: www.niagarafrontier.com/parks.html www.niagarafrontier.com/burningsprings.html

Dynamic Performance Evaluation of Canadian Fixed-Income Funds using Markov Regime Switching Models

This thesis examines the performance of Canadian fixed-income mutual funds in the context of an unobservable market factor that affects mutual fund returns. We use various selection and timing models augmented with univariate and multivariate regime-switching structures. These models assume a joint distribution of an unobservable latent variable and fund returns. The fund sample comprises six Canadian value-weighted portfolios with different investing objectives from 1980 to 2011. These are the Canadian fixed-income funds, the Canadian inflation protected fixed-income funds, the Canadian long-term fixed-income funds, the Canadian money market funds, the Canadian short-term fixed-income funds and the high yield fixed-income funds. We find strong evidence that more than one state variable is necessary to explain the dynamics of the returns on Canadian fixed-income funds. For instance, Canadian fixed-income funds clearly show that there are two regimes that can be identified with a turning point during the mid-eighties. This structural break corresponds to an increase in the Canadian bond index from its low values in the early 1980s to its current high values. Other fixed-income funds results show latent state variables that mimic the behaviour of the general economic activity. Generally, we report that Canadian bond fund alphas are negative. In other words, fund managers do not add value through their selection abilities. We find evidence that Canadian fixed-income fund portfolio managers are successful market timers who shift portfolio weights between risky and riskless financial assets according to expected market conditions. Conversely, Canadian inflation protected funds, Canadian long-term fixed-income funds and Canadian money market funds have no market timing ability. We conclude that these managers generally do not have positive performance by actively managing their portfolios. We also report that the Canadian fixed-income fund portfolios perform asymmetrically under different economic regimes. In particular, these portfolio managers demonstrate poorer selection skills during recessions. Finally, we demonstrate that the multivariate regime-switching model is superior to univariate models given the dynamic market conditions and the correlation between fund portfolios.

Transferring Results of Behavioral Research to Industry to Improve Animal Welfare on the Farm, Ranch and the Slaughter Plant

The article focuses on three results of the study: "(1)Communicate your results outside the research. Write articles in popular and industry magazines. Speak at producer meetings and develop websites that can be used to transfer research results into practice. (2) Choose places (e.g. farms or plants) that have managers who believe in your research, and be prepared to spend a lot of time with the first place that uses your findings. (3) to fail. (4) Do not allow your technology to get tied up in patent disputes."

Farm Account Book

The book contains account information and also lists some birth and death dates.

Farm Account Book (2)

Another account book with some pages missing and some damaged.

Payment for the Atkins and Schmidt accounts from Jarvis, Conklin and Morgan Negotiators of Farm Mortgages

Payment for the Atkins and Schmidt accounts from Jarvis, Conklin and Morgan Negotiators of Farm Mortgages, Dec. 29, 1884.

Letter regarding farm loans addressed to S.D. Woodruff from Jarvis, Conklin and Co.

Letter (1 page, printed) regarding farm loans addressed to S.D. Woodruff from Jarvis, Conklin and Co., Sept. 12, 1882.

Letter to S.D. Woodruff from Jarvis, Conklin and Morgan Farm Mortgages

Letter to S.D. Woodruff to acknowledge the sending of Crew and Mauk papers signed Jarvis, Conklin and Co., April 15, 1885.

Letter to S.D. Woodruff from Jarvis, Conklin and Morgan Farm Mortgages

Letter to S.D. Woodruff which accompanied Crick documents. It is signed Jarvis, Conklin and Morgan Farm Mortgages, April 18, 1885.

Letter to S.D. Woodruff from Jarvis, Conklin and Morgan Farm Mortgages

Letter to S.D. Woodruff which accompanied the Underwood abstract. It is signed Jarvis, Conklin and Morgan, May 4, 1885.

Letter to S.D. Woodruff regarding a resolution passed that the engineer be requested to examine the fence built by the contractors alongside of the Henry Vandenburgh Farm

Letter to S.D. Woodruff regarding a resolution passed that the engineer be requested to examine the fence built by the contractors alongside of the Henry Vandenburgh Farm and report to the secretary as to whether this is a lawful fence, completed according to Williams’ contract. This is signed by Duncan McFarland, president. There is a reply written by S.D. Woodruff at the bottom of the letter stating that the fence is not built in accordance with the contract, Dec. 18, 1856.

List entitled “Farm” including produce and prices

List entitled “Farm” including produce and prices, 1866-1867.