936 resultados para Equality before the law


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Homeodomain proteins are transcription factors that play a critical role in early development in eukaryotes. These proteins previously have been classified into numerous subgroups whose phylogenetic relationships are unclear. Our phylogenetic analysis of representative eukaryotic sequences suggests that there are two major groups of homeodomain proteins, each containing sequences from angiosperms, metazoa, and fungi. This result, based on parsimony and neighbor-joining analyses of primary amino acid sequences, was supported by two additional features of the proteins. The two protein groups are distinguished by an insertion/deletion in the homeodomain, between helices I and II. In addition, an amphipathic alpha-helical secondary structure in the region N terminal of the homeodomain is shared by angiosperm and metazoan sequences in one group. These results support the hypothesis that there was at least one duplication of homeobox genes before the origin of angiosperms, fungi, and metazoa. This duplication, in turn, suggests that these proteins had diverse functions early in the evolution of eukaryotes. The shared secondary structure in angiosperm and metazoan sequences points to an ancient conserved functional domain.

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The junction-associated protein zonula occludens-1 (ZO-1) is a member of a family of membrane-associated guanylate kinase homologues thought to be important in signal transduction at sites of cell-cell contact. We present evidence that under certain conditions of cell growth, ZO-1 can be detected in the nucleus. Two different antibodies against distinct portions of the ZO-1 polypeptide reveal nuclear staining in subconfluent, but not confluent, cell cultures. An exogenously expressed, epitope-tagged ZO-1 can also be detected in the nuclei of transfected cells. Nuclear accumulation can be stimulated at sites of wounding in cultured epithelial cells, and immunoperoxidase detection of ZO-1 in tissue sections of intestinal epithelial cells reveals nuclear labeling only along the outer tip of the villus. These results suggest that the nuclear localization of ZO-1 is inversely related to the extent and/or maturity of cell contact. Since cell-cell contacts are specialized sites for signaling pathways implicated in growth and differentiation, we suggest that the nuclear accumulation of ZO-1 may be relevant for its suggested role in membrane-associated guanylate kinase homologue signal transduction.

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An analysis of the initial antigen-recognition step in the destruction of target cells by CD8+ cytolytic T lymphocytes (CTLs) shows that a relationship in the form of the law of mass action can be used to describe interactions between antigen-specific receptors on T cells (TCRs) and their natural ligands on target cells (peptide-major histocompatibility protein complexes, termed pepMHC complexes), even though these reactants are confined to their respective cell membranes. For a designated level of lysis and receptor affinities below about 5 X 10(6) M-1, the product of the required number of pepMHC complexes per target cell ("epitope density") and TCR affinity for pepMHC complexes is constant; therefore, over this range TCR affinities can be predicted from epitope densities (or vice versa). At higher receptor affinities ("affinity ceiling") the epitope density required for half-maximal lysis reaches a lower limit of less than 10 complexes per target cell.

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"Prince's Defence of himself before the Overseers" is written on the cover in ink. "Papers relating to Mr. Prince's iniquities" is written in pencil, in a different hand. This volume, similar to the one in folder 9, records at great length Prince's responses to the accusations against him.

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A pen-and-ink and watercolor map of the Dead Sea noting the "Course of Jordan before the destruction of Sodom." The map accompanied a letter by Winthrop (HUG 1203.5 Box 1, Folder 13).

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[Introduction.] It is generally believed that while the principle of the autonomy of the EU legal order, in the sense of constitutional and institutional autonomy that is to say what concerns the autonomous decision-making of the EU, has been clearly strengthened by the most recent jurisprudence of the Court of Justice (eg. Moxplant3, Intertanko or the Kadi/Al Baraakat judgements or the Opinion 1/2009 of the CJEU etc.) as well as, in my opinion, in many aspects by the Treaty of Lisbon, it is still valid to add that the principle of a favourable approach, stemming from the Court jurisprudence, for the enhanced openness of the EU legal order to international law has remained equally important for the EU4. On the other hand, it should be also seen that in a globalized world, and following the increased role of the EU as an international actor, its indispensable and crucial role concerning the creation of world (legal) order in many policy fields ( for example let's think about the G20 issues, the global economic and financial crisis, the role of the EU in promoting and protecting human rights worldwide, the implementation of the multilateral or regional conventional law, developed in the framework the UN (e.g. in the field of agriculture or environment etc) or what concerns the Kyoto process on climate change or the conservation of marine biological resources at international level etc), it seems reasonable and justified to submit that the influence, for example, of the law-making activities of the main stakeholder international organizations in the mentioned policy-areas on the EU (especially on the development of its constantly evolving legal order) or vice-versa the influence of the EU law-making practice on these international organizations is significant, in many aspects mutually interdependent and more and more remarkable. This tendency of the 21st century doesn't mean, however, in my view, that the notion of the autonomy of the EU legal order would have been weakened by this increasing interaction between international law and EU law over the passed years. This contribution is going to demonstrate and prove these departuring points by giving some concrete examples from the most recent practice of the Council (all occuring either in the second half of 2009 or after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty), and which relate to two very important policy areas in the EU, namely the protection of human rights and the Common Fishery Policy.

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From the Introduction. The main focus of this study is to examine whether the euro has been an economic, monetary, fiscal, and social stabilizer for the Eurozone. In order to do this, the underpinnings of the euro are analysed, and the requirements and benchmarks that have to be achieved, maintained, and respected are tested against the data found in three major statistics data sources: the European Central Bank’s Statistics Data Warehouse (http://sdw.ecb.europa.eu/), Economagic (www.economagic.com), and E-signal. The purpose of this work is to analyse if the euro was a stabilizing factor from its inception to the break of the financial crisis in summer 2008 in the European Union. To answer this question, this study analyses a number of indexes to understand the impact of the euro in three markets: (1) the foreign exchange market, (2) the stock market, and the Crude Oil and commodities markets, (3) the money market.

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The essay explores the evolution of comparative law and the contribution of its more recent methodological results on the process of European social integration through law. The analysis of the comparative method in general glides on a discipline, such a as labour law, traditionally linked to the "nomos" of the nation state and looks at the process of its own supranationalization through the lens which is the comparative method; a method used mainly by the juridical format (national and supranational courts). The analysis focuses on the fixed term contract and on the vexing question of collective social fundamental rights vis a vis fundamental economic freedoms in the EU where national constitutional traditions and supranational principals risk collision due also to the comparative method.

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From the Introduction. Governor Romney’s statement that President Obama was trying to convert the United States into a European state actually served to point out the need for a much deeper understanding of both entities to make considerable progress in the future. The need for a close alliance is taken for granted. However, the link is riddled with confusion and stereotypes. This relationship is considered a normal fact forged by mutual historical legacies. Hence the frequent signs of awkward behaviour and misunderstandings under the cover of the notion that potential damage will be corrected by the force of the special relationship. If conflicts are detected, both parties are said to be condemned to agree. If a lack of knowledge is detected, it will be modified by accessible means. Mechanisms for an understanding and cooperation are within reach. Therefore, an effective relationship is not utopian. However, there are areas in which much work is needed to strengthen the alliance and correct its shortcomings. There is a need, not only for agreements in economic and political issues, but also for a deeper understanding of the essence of both entities.