977 resultados para Citadel, the Military College of South Carolina--Planning


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The Technical College of the Lowcountry reports to the Budget and Control Board its annual accountability report that includes an executive summary, a description of the leadership system, customer focus and satisfaction and other performance criteria, mission, and program descriptions and budgets.

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This is a list of the courts in all the circuits of South Carolina and the percentage of cases disposed of in 365 day or less. None of the courts met the 80% benchmark.

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Federal and state laws impose a range of collateral consequences that affect the opportunities available to youth involved in the juvenile and criminal justice systems. Children who have pled or have been found guilty of juvenile delinquency offenses face challenges in gaining employment finding housing and accessing educational opportunities. This publication provides a community resource containing the most current information on the short-term and long-term consequences of delinquency adjudications in South Carolina.

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This document describes the 2010 highway safety plan for South Carolina. It includes information on state certification and assurances, overview of the Section 402 Highway Safety Program, projects to be implemented, program administration, alcohol countermeasures, motorcycle safety, youth alcohol and traffic safety, traffic records and police traffic services.

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This report attempts to examine a very narrow, yet vital, segment of the criminal justice process, racial disproportionality among juvenile arrest and offense rates. The purpose of this report was to demonstrate the utility of South Carolina's incident based crime data, the South Carolina Incident Based Reporting System, as an analytical tool to address matters of policy relevance.

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This is a list of the courts in all the circuits of South Carolina and the percentage of cases disposed of in 365 day or less. All but four of the courts met the 80% benchmark.

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Objective. To validate a core set of outcome measures for the evaluation of response to treatment in patients with juvenile dermatomyositis (DM). Methods. In 2001, a preliminary consensus-derived core set for evaluating response to therapy in juvenile DM was established. In the present study, the core set was validated through an evidence-based, large-scale data collection that led to the enrollment of 294 patients from 36 countries. Consecutive patients with active disease were assessed at baseline and after 6 months. The validation procedures included assessment of feasibility, responsiveness, discriminant and construct ability, concordce in the evaluation of response to therapy between physicians and parents, redundancy, internal consistency, and ability to predict a therapeutic response. Results. The following clinical measures were found to be feasible, and to have good construct validity, discriminative ability, and internal consistency; furthermore, they were not redundant, proved responsive to clinically important changes in disease activity, and were associated strongly with treatment outcome and thus were included in the final core set: 1) physician`s global assessment of disease activity, 2) muscle strength, 3) global disease activity measure, 4) parent`s global assessment of patient`s well-being, 5) functional ability, and 6) health-related quality of life. Conclusion. The members of the Paediatric Rheumatology International Trials Organisation, with the endorsement of the American College of Rheumatology and the European Leauge Against Rheumatism, propose a core set of criteria for the evaluation of response of therapy that is scientifically and clinically relevant and statistically validated. The core set will help standardize the conduct and reporting of clinical trials and assist practitioners in deciding whether a child with juvenile DM has responded adequately to therapy.

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We use a systematic empirical analysis of the determinants of South-South (SS) and North-South (NS) foreign direct investment (FDI) as a canvas to explore how multinational enterprises’ (MNEs) location decisions are shaped by better acquaintance with a foreign market resulting from bilateral ties, experience of international expansion, and knowledge of how to deal with poor governance. We find that these various aspects of market familiarity, which can interact together, are important to explain and differentiate the location behaviours of South MNEs (S-MNEs) and North MNEs (N-MNEs) in developing countries.

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The purpose of this case study was to determine the effectiveness of sport for development (SDP) evaluation within one program in Gansbaai, South Africa through critical, independent participant inclusive program evaluation. Qualitative research was conducted on the Football Foundation of South Africa (FFSA), where semi-structured interview data were collected from administrators and participants, as were data from direct participant observations and organizational documents. Data analysis followed, according to Kvale and Brinkman’s (2008) methodology. FFSA goals were found, as were themes of social impact (i.e., regarding coach-player relationships, trust, and coaching impact on social integration). A further theme related to evaluation components and procedures. Further themes included life skill development, competition within programming, participants’ home life and social integration. Findings contribute to the SDP literature relating to program evaluation research and to FFSA administrators by providing an understanding of SDP program shortcomings, limitations, and suggested improvements.

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Causing civilian casualties during military operations has become a much politicised topic in international relations since the Second World War. Since the last decade of the 20th century, different scholars and political analysts have claimed that human life is valued more and more among the general international community. This argument has led many researchers to assume that democratic culture and traditions, modern ethical and moral issues have created a desire for a world without war or, at least, a demand that contemporary armed conflicts, if unavoidable, at least have to be far less lethal forcing the military to seek new technologies that can minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage. Non-Lethal Weapons (NLW) – weapons that are intended to minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage – are based on the technology that, during the 1990s, was expected to revolutionise the conduct of warfare making it significantly less deadly. The rapid rise of interest in NLW, ignited by the American military twenty five years ago, sparked off an entirely new military, as well as an academic, discourse concerning their potential contribution to military success on the 21st century battlefields. It seems, however, that except for this debate, very little has been done within the military forces themselves. This research suggests that the roots of this situation are much deeper than the simple professional misconduct of the military establishment, or the poor political behaviour of political leaders, who had sent them to fight. Following the story of NLW in the U.S., Russia and Israel this research focuses on the political and cultural aspects that have been supposed to force the military organisations of these countries to adopt new technologies and operational and organisational concepts regarding NLW in an attempt to minimise enemy civilian casualties during their military operations. This research finds that while American, Russian and Israeli national characters are, undoubtedly, products of the unique historical experience of each one of these nations, all of three pay very little regard to foreigners’ lives. Moreover, while it is generally argued that the international political pressure is a crucial factor that leads to the significant reduction of harmed civilians and destroyed civilian infrastructure, the findings of this research suggest that the American, Russian and Israeli governments are well prepared and politically equipped to fend off international criticism. As the analyses of the American, Russian and Israeli cases reveal, the political-military leaderships of these countries have very little external or domestic reasons to minimise enemy civilian casualties through fundamental-revolutionary change in their conduct of war. In other words, this research finds that employment of NLW have failed because the political leadership asks the militaries to reduce the enemy civilian casualties to a politically acceptable level, rather than to the technologically possible minimum; as in the socio-cultural-political context of each country, support for the former appears to be significantly higher than for the latter.

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The Equal Rights Amendment South Carolina Coalition Records consist of pamphlets, membership listings, newsletters, bulletins, interstate correspondence, legislation positions, polls, newspaper clippings, article reprints, general correspondence and various memorabilia to the attempt to obtain South Carolina ratification of the passage of Equal Rights Amendment. The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) was a proposed amendment to the United States Constitution designed to guarantee equal rights for women.

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This collection is a valuable source on home economics history in South Carolina during the twentieth century. While there is information on the SCHEA from its beginning in 1914 to 1980, the actual records do not start until 1920. An outline of what the South Carolina Home Economics Association was doing from 1914 to 1920, is provided in the “historical file” (see Box 1, folders 1 to 4). The inclusive dates for a particular series may vary and, for most series, the records are incomplete. The collection contains all the records normally created by an organization, including constitutions, correspondence, minutes, reports, handbooks, etc. A wide variety of research topics could be developed from the records, including the SCHEA’s impact on the legislative process in South Carolina (e.g. the passage of the bill for the enrichment of cornmeal and grits in 1943), its cooperation and relationship with relief agencies in the state and its role in improving child health during the 1930s.

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The South Carolina Extension Homemakers Council History and Handbook collection consists of History of South Carolina Extension Homemakers Council: Fifty Years 1921-1971 by Mrs. W. E. Cochran, 1971 and a 1971-1972 Handbook of South Carolina Extension Homemakers Council.

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The Pilot Club International was a service oriented club for women, however men are now allowed to join. The South Carolina District was founded in the 1930s for “the promotion of social welfare through the performance of civil and beneficial service of the character generally accomplished by civic organizations, rendering aid and assistance to local Pilot Clubs and implementing at the district level the programs and policies of Pilot Club International.” The Pilot Club International South Carolina District Records consist of a certificate of incorporation, minutes, annual reports, correspondence, resolutions and lists of standing rules.

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The World Health Organization estimates there are about 585,000 maternal deaths each year, with 98% of the maternal deaths in developing countries. Access to family planning methods is one method to decrease maternal mortality and morbidity. ^ The U.S. was the leader in providing financial and technical assistance to developing countries to enable women to have this access. The election of Ronald Regan changed the course of U.S. support; abortion became a central factor in the political decision-making with regards to the financial support of international family planning. ^ One factor that may sway policy-makers' decisions is the influence of ideological interest groups, Political Action Committees funding of candidates in relation to votes on bills that impacted on financial support of international family planning and the amount spent by these groups on lobbyist was reviewed. Pro-choice funding of candidates was greater for the four of the fives votes supporting family planning. Pro-Choice lobbyist spending was $185,000 vs. $8,184,000 spent by Pro-Life ideological groups. ^