Whose peace? Local ownership and UN peacebuilding

In recent years, there has been an increasing emphasis on the participation of national actors in United Nations peace operations, reflecting what has become a near orthodox commitment to ‘local ownership.’ Advocates of local ownership assert that it: (1) increases the legitimacy of UN peacebuilding efforts; (2) increases the sustainability of peacebuilding activities after the departure of the UN; and (3) increases democratic governance in post-conflict states. While such thinking about local ownership has informed UN peacebuilding policy to a large extent, the UN has, to date, assumed these positive benefits without critically examining the causal mechanisms that allegedly produce them, specifying the conditions under which this correlation holds, or providing convincing evidence for these assertions. Moreover, exactly what local ownership is, what is being owned, and who local ‘owners’ are remain unclear. Indeed a closer examination of ownership’s relation with legitimacy, sustainability, and democratization reveal a plethora of contradictions that imply that local ownership may in fact decrease the UN’s ability to deliver peacekeeping results. Crucially, however, the UN persists in adopting a local ownership approach to peacebuilding, suggesting that it does so because it is normatively appropriate rather than operationally effective.

Soft balancing in the Americas: Latin American opposition to U.S. intervention, 1898–1936

In the aftermath of the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, scholars of international relations debated how to best characterize the rising tide of global opposition. The concept of “soft balancing” emerged as an influential, though contested, explanation of a new phenomenon in a unipolar world: states seeking to constrain the ability of the United States to deploy military force by using multinational organizations, international law, and coalition building. Soft balancing can also be observed in regional unipolar systems. Multinational archival research reveals how Argentina, Mexico, and other Latin American countries responded to expanding U.S. power and military assertiveness in the early twentieth century through coordinated diplomatic maneuvering that provides a strong example of soft balancing. Examination of this earlier case makes an empirical contribution to the emerging soft-balancing literature and suggests that soft balancing need not lead to hard balancing or open conflict.

It’s not the size, it’s the relationship: from ‘small states’ to asymmetry

Debate about the definition of “small state” has produced more fragmentation than consensus, even as the literature has demonstrated its subjects’ roles in joining international organizations propagating norms, executing creative diplomacy, influencing allies, avoiding and joining conflicts, and building peace. However, work on small states has struggled to identify commonalities in these states’ international relations, to cumulate knowledge, or to impact broader IR theory. This paper advocates a changed conceptual and definitional framework. Analysis of “small states” should pivot to examine the dynamics of the asymmetrical relationships in which these states are engaged. Instead of seeking an overall metric for size as the relevant variable—falling victim in a different way Dahl’s “lump-of-power fallacy,” we can recognize the multifaceted, variegated nature of power, whether in war or peacetime.

A proteção dos vulneráveis no direito internacional privado brasileiro

As relações de consumo, da mesma forma como relações privadas em geral, têm assumido caráter internacional. O crescente fenômeno acarreta, contudo, o incremento de vulnerabilidade do consumidor, a qual, em nível nacional, já exige que o direito restabeleça o desequilíbrio intrínseco à relação de consumo. Em nível internacional, assim, esses desafios aumentam, especialmente porque as normas conflituais clássicas foram construídas a partir da sociedade liberal moderna, que buscava basicamente a manutenção da igualdade formal entre os indivíduos, sem preocupações de cunho material. No Direito Internacional Privado Brasileiro essa situação se repete. Busca o presente trabalho, portanto, construir propostas para o Direito Internacional Privado Brasileiro de defesa do consumidor. Na primeira parte do trabalho, então, são analisadas as causas da vulnerabilidade na relação internacional de consumo, constatando-se estar no liberalismo jurídico e suas conseqüências na disciplina, bem como o duplo papel do princípio da autonomia da vontade. Por um lado, a autonomia permite o reconhecimento do indivíduo no plano internacional, mas por outro demonstra a insuficiência do modelo conflitual clássico. Diante da crise do modelo liberal moderno, discutem-se, na segunda parte do trabalho, os remédios para superar a vulnerabilidade na relação internacional de consumo. Analisa-se a informação enquanto forma de mitigar a vulnerabilidade do consumidor. Abordam-se, ainda, as formas de se encontrar a lei mais favorável ao consumidor. Nas conclusões, enfim, constrói-se uma sugestão de redação para a lei brasileira de proteção internacional do consumidor.

Relações entre o pensamento jurídico e o internacional: João Neves da Fontoura

O presente trabalho trata de uma análise do pensamento internacional de João Neves da Fontoura, político da Era Vargas e Ministro das Relações Exteriores brasileiro. A análise aqui feita desenvolve-se por tratamento e exploração de seus pareceres jurídicos enquanto desempenhava a função de Consultor do Banco do Brasil. Busca-se verificar a influência de seu pensamento internacional sobre o seu pensamento jurídico por meio das fontes que foram produzidas durante boa parte da Era Vargas (1930-1942), que antecedem a Segunda Grande Guerra e a sua carreira diplomática.

Relações internacionais: o comércio exterior do Brasil e Rio Grande do Norte no período de 1999 a 2008

The period post-war promoted several changes in relations economic, political and social world. Since then, a new division international of labor has delineated, with the great growth of Asian countries. In the field of international relations, the world still appears to transition is not completed because the old institutions were not replaced by new ones and the power of the United States as a major capitalist country remains unshaken, even with the emergence and strengthening of new economic global blocs. With globalization, Brazil emerges with more intensity in the face of new issues global, although its share in transactions trade global hasn‟t changed accordingly. In this sense, the objective of this dissertation is to examine, in a descriptive and critical the development of international relations and trade of Brazil and Rio Grande do Norte with the main blocs in the world from 1999 to 2008. As a secondary objective: to identify the assumptions theoretical that underpinned the decisions governments of the FHC and Lula, in particular, the interference of these terms in international relations and foreign trade. Adopted as the procedure methodological the literature review of the subject, as well as collection and processing of the data of foreign trade. During the Cardoso government has undergone the substantial growth in imports, as part of the economic policy of anti-inflationary, generating large deficits trade. From the first to the second term, with the inflection of exchange rate policy the country has resumed surpluses trade. The choice of government of the autonomy participation increased the relative share of the traditional blocks in total foreign trade and reduced the share of MERCOSUL. In the Lula government, there is the maintenance of some elements of the economic policy of the previous government and the partial shift in the conduct of foreign policy, with the option of autonomy through diversification, raising its stake on the blocks and other emerging countries in total foreign trade Brazilian and reducing the contribution of the traditional blocks such as NAFTA and the European Union. A trend observed in the previous government and deepened in the Lula government was the growth in commodity exports and the decline of manufactured products, confirming the model of conservative insertion of Brazilian exports. The Rio Grande do Norte followed the trend Brazilian in the growth of foreign trade, including in participating conservative, given that the products exported by the state are basically coming from horticulture irrigated and agribusiness. However, in the aspect of destination export, the state followed trajectory distinct from that in the Lula government, with the deepening of trade relations with traditional blocks, especially with the European Union and NAFTA

Passado e presente nas relações Colômbia-Estados Unidos: a estratégia de internacionalização do conflito armado colombiano e as diretrizes da política externa norte-americana

Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar a dinâmica das relações entre Colômbia e EUA, com ênfase no governo de Álvaro Uribe (2002-...). Para tanto, são examinadas a estratégia de internacionalização do conflito armado colombiano e os aspectos da intervenção dos EUA mediante o Plano Colômbia. Como conclusão, o trabalho sugere que as recentes mudanças políticas nos EUA têm causado impacto nas diretrizes das relações das relações entre EUA e Colômbia.

Brazilian foreign policy in the Cardoso era: The search for autonomy through integration

The Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration attempted to replace a reactive foreign policy agenda dominated by a logic of autonomy through distance with a proactive international agenda guided by a logic of autonomy through integration. In adopting this agenda, the administration maintained that Brazil would be able to confront its problems and secure more control over its future if it actively contributed to elaborating the norms and guidelines of the administration of the global order. Because of structural weaknesses, however, this policy of integration, adherence, and participation was not adequately accompanied by positions entailing practical responsibilities - responsibilities that would have prepared both government and civil society for a higher profile in the post - cold-war era. In the end, the gains achieved during Cardoso's tenure failed to alter Brazil's international standing in any significant way. © 2007 Latin American Perspectives.

Economic relations of Brazil and the United States and the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative

Includes bibliography

Methodology for the comparison of military expenditures

Includes bibliography

Por uma Teoria Crítica das Relações Internacionais: as contribuições de Jürgen Habermas

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Os direitos humanos como temática global e soberania no sistema internacional pós guerra fria: a Conferência de Viena

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

A crise orgânica do Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) e o declínio do socialismo real

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

A Teoria dos jogos e as ciências sociais

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC