Building peace by supporting post-conflict electoral processes

Les élections post-conflit ou élections de sortie de crise organisées sous l’égide de la communauté internationale en vue de rétablir la paix dans les pays sortant de violents conflits armés ont un bilan mixte caractérisé par le succès ou l’échec selon les cas. Ce bilan mitigé représente le problème principal auquel cette recherche tente de répondre à travers les questions suivantes : l’assistance électorale étrangère est-elle efficace comme outil de rétablissement de la paix dans les sociétés post-conflit? Qu’est ce qui détermine le succès ou l’échec des élections post-conflit à contribuer efficacement au rétablissement de la paix dans les sociétés déchirées par la guerre? Pour résoudre cette problématique, cette thèse développe une théorie de l’assistance électorale en période post-conflit centrée sur les parties prenantes à la fois du conflit armé et du processus électoral. Cette théorie affirme que l’élément clé pour le succès des élections post-conflit dans le rétablissement de la paix est le renforcement de la capacité de négociation des parties prenantes à la fois dans le processus de paix et dans le processus électoral post-conflit. Dans les situations post-conflit, une assistance électorale qui se voudrait complète et efficace devra combiner à la fois le processus électoral et le processus de paix. L’assistance électorale sera inefficace si elle se concentre uniquement sur les aspects techniques du processus électoral visant à garantir des élections libres, transparentes et équitables. Pour être efficace, l’accent devra également être mis sur les facteurs supplémentaires qui peuvent empêcher la récurrence de la guerre, tels que l’habilité des individus et des groupes à négocier et à faire des compromis sur les grandes questions qui peuvent menacer le processus de paix. De fait, même des élections transparentes comme celles de 1997 au Liberia saluées par la communauté internationale n’avaient pas réussi à établir des conditions suffisantes pour éviter la reprise des hostilités. C’est pourquoi, pour être efficace, l’assistance électorale dans les situations de post-conflit doit prendre une approche globale qui priorise l’éducation civique, la sensibilisation sur les droits et responsabilités des citoyens dans une société démocratique, le débat public sur les questions qui divisent, la participation politique, la formation au dialogue politique, et toute autre activité qui pourrait aider les différentes parties à renforcer leur capacité de négociation et de compromis. Une telle assistance électorale fera une contribution à la consolidation de la paix, même dans le contexte des élections imparfaites, comme celles qui se sont détenues en Sierra Leone en 2002 ou au Libéria en 2005. Bien que la littérature sur l’assistance électorale n’ignore guère l’importance des parties prenantes aux processus électoraux post-conflit (K. Kumar, 1998, 2005), elle a fortement mis l’accent sur les mécanismes institutionnels. En effet, la recherche académique et professionnelle est abondante sur la réforme des lois électorales, la reforme constitutionnelle, et le développement des administrations électorales tels que les commissions électorales, ainsi que l’observation électorale et autres mécanismes de prévention de la fraude électorale, etc. (Carothers & Gloppen, 2007). En d’autres termes, les décideurs et les chercheurs ont attribué jusqu’à présent plus d’importance à la conception et au fonctionnement du cadre institutionnel et des procédures électorales. Cette thèse affirme qu’il est désormais temps de prendre en compte les participants eux-mêmes au processus électoral à travers des types d’assistance électorale qui favoriseraient leur capacité à participer à un débat pacifique et à trouver des compromis aux questions litigieuses. Cette approche plus globale de l’assistance électorale qui replace l’élection post-conflit dans le contexte plus englobant du processus de paix a l’avantage de transformer le processus électoral non pas seulement en une expérience d’élection de dirigeants légitimes, mais aussi, et surtout, en un processus au cours duquel les participants apprennent à régler leurs points de vue contradictoires à travers le débat politique dans un cadre institutionnel avec des moyens légaux et légitimes. Car, si le cadre institutionnel électoral est important, il reste que le résultat du processus électoral dépendra essentiellement de la volonté des participants à se conformer au cadre institutionnel et aux règles électorales.

Catherine Tekakwitha et la peinture missionnaire : stratégies de conversion en Nouvelle-France au 17e siècle

Pour respecter les droits d’auteur, la version électronique de ce mémoire a été dépouillée de certains documents visuels et audio-visuels. La version intégrale du mémoire a été déposée au Service de la gestion des documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

A inserção internacional dos governos não centrais brasileiros e argentinos em perspectiva comparada

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais, 2015.

A inserção internacional dos governos não centrais brasileiros e argentinos em perspectiva comparada

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais, 2015.

Estudo de massa cerâmica triaxial visando à otimização do ciclo de queima da indústria de cerâmica estrutural

Over recent years the structural ceramics industry in Brazil has found a very favorable market for growth. However, difficulties related to productivity and product quality are partially inhibiting this possible growth. An alternative for trying to solve these problems and, thus, provide the pottery industry the feasibility of full development, is the substitution of firewood used in the burning process by natural gas. In order to contribute to this process of technological innovation, this paper studies the effect of co-use of ceramic phyllite and kaolin waste on the properties of a clay matrix, verifying the possible benefits that these raw materials can give to the final product, as well as the possibility of such materials to reduce the heat load necessary to obtain products with equal or superior quality. The study was divided into two steps: characterization of materials and study of formulations. Two clays, a phyllite and a residue of kaolin were characterized by the following techniques: laser granulometry, plasticity index by Atterberg limits, X-ray fluorescence, X-ray diffraction, mineralogical composition by Rietveld, thermogravimetric and differential thermal analysis. To study the formulations, specifically for evaluation of technological properties of the parts, was performed an experimental model that combined planning involving a mixture of three components (standard mass x phyllite x kaolin waste) and a 23 factorial design with central point associated with thermal processing parameters. The experiment was performed with restricted strip-plot randomization. In total, 13 compositional points were investigated within the following constraints: phyllite ≤ 20% by weight, kaolin waste ≤ 40% by weight, and standard mass ≥ 60% by weight. The thermal parameters were used at the following levels: 750 and 950 °C to the firing temperature, 5 and 15 °C/min at the heating rate, 15 and 45min to the baseline. The results showed that the introduction of phyllite and/or kaolin waste in ceramic body produced a number of benefits in properties of the final product, such as: decreased absorption of water, apparent porosity and linear retraction at burn; besides the increase in apparent specific mass and mechanical properties of parts. The best results were obtained in the compositional points where the sum of the levels of kaolin waste and phyllite was maximal (40% by weight), as well as conditions which were used in firing temperatures of 950 °C. Regarding the prospect of savings in heat energy required to form the desired microstructure, the phyllite and the residue of kaolin, for having small particle sizes and constitutions mineralogical phases with the presence of fluxes, contributed to the optimization of the firing cycle.

Divisão de poderes e jurisdição constitucional direta : ressignificação do princípio e precisão conceitual da função no sistema brasileiro

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, 2016.

What toleration means to contemporary liberalism?

Toleration is a key concept of liberalism, both from the historical and conceptual points of view. On the other hand, as people’s freedom to live according to their moral and religious ideas has long become a basic value for liberal societies and their political constitutions, it is reasonable to understand that there is nothing to be tolerated nor by citizens neither by the State. However, a part of the scope and meaning of the fundamental rights and freedoms is subject to what John Rawls calls reasonable disagreements and this is a field where toleration understood in the classic way is compatible with equality: not to intervene against that which is being disapproved understood has a raison d'être. Since the 1980s, toleration has been present in the debates on how to deal with pluralism in a constitutional democracy. This has to be connected to the rise of identity politics: political and intellectual movements such as multiculturalism or comunitarism that questioned whether social order based on neutral criteria was either possible or desirable or both things at the same time. Outstanding liberal philosophers were among those demanding political priority for comunitarian values and those who showed interest for toleration as a key concept to articulate pluralism. Key distinctions between them can be explained as the result of the different approaches they take when facing classical theories on toleration: whereas John Locke’s is a major influence on Rawls, John Stuart Mill’s is on the others, while Gray, Walzer and Rorty follow Isaiah Berlin’s reading of Mill.

The Proceedings of the South Carolina Historical Association

Annually, the association publishes a journal, The Proceedings, which consists of papers presented at the annual meeting. John Belton O’Neall by James Welch Patton – Converse College The Rejected Laurens —A Carolina Tragedy by E. T. H. Shaffer The Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina by A. S. Salley – Secretary Historical Commission of South Carolina The Grand Council of South Carolina, 1670-1690 by Kathleen Singleton – Palmetto High School, Palmetto, Florida

EL NOS-OTROS-ORIGINARIO: Sobre la posibilidad de respetar los derechos de el-otro

Este texto plantea la posibilidad de recuperar el nos-otros-originario como clave para la superación del «sufrimiento inútil» del sujeto; de este modo, muestra al nos-otros-originario como una zona de protección de los derechos de el-otro, hace una crítica en contra del nos-otros-caído como vulnerador de derechos fundamentales, y aborda la posibilidad de recuperar el nos-otros-originario a través de una consumación definitiva de la "justicia".

Rebooting the constitutional debate: deliberative constitutionalism in the European Union

The aim of my thesis is to investigate the possibility and necessity to rethink a constitutional framework and debate in a transnational polity such as the European Union. My effort focuses on a promising theory called deliberative constitutionalism, which carries on new insights on how democracy and constitutions relate each other. The EU is a unique political entity which poses unanswered questions about its political legitimacy and constitutional foundation, if a Constitution will ever be possible. Going beyond the classical conception of the national and sovereign ‘people’, we keep wondering how citizens may deliberate and discuss about their rights and political communities across borders, in what could be defined as a transnational civic society. The development of the latter brings with it necessary constitutional changes, if not an evolution of constitutionalism itself. Chapter 1 deals with defining the theoretical framework, which develops the distinctiveness of the deliberative constitutional paradigm not only with respect to other more 'classical' models of democracy, but also with respect to other deliberative models that have marked the constructivist debate. Chapter 2 presents a conceptual history of constituent power, mainly studying the evolution of the constitution-sovereignty-constituent power dialectic, up to contemporary theories that explain the negation, separation, union or plurality of a transnational constituent with respect to its national counterparts. Chapter 3 develops the discourse of constitutional pluralism, through its main claims and strands that especially pertain to Neil Walker's (2002, 2016) institutional and epistemic claims. Chapter 4 applies a deliberative constitutionalist framework to the case of the European Union. Through the exposition of DC normative tenets, a form of self-learning process is proposed that can reconcile the heterarchical arrangement of constitutional claims and the new demand for legitimacy, as well as the relationship between European peoples and European citizens.