The political ecology of weeds : a scalar approach to landscape transformations

How do plants that move and spread across landscapes become branded as weeds and thereby objects of contention and control? We outline a political ecology approach that builds on a Lefebvrian understanding of the production of space, identifying three scalar moments that make plants into 'weeds' in different spatial contexts and landscapes. The three moments are: the operational scale, which relates to empirical phenomena in nature and society; the observational scale, which defines formal concepts of these phenomena and their implicit or explicit 'biopower' across institutional and spatial categories; and the interpretive scale, which is communicated through stories and actions expressing human feelings or concerns regarding the phenomena and processes of socio-spatial change. Together, these three scalar moments interact to produce a political ecology of landscape transformation, where biophysical and socio-cultural processes of daily life encounter formal categories and modes of control as well as emotive and normative expectations in shaping landscapes. Using three exemplar 'weeds' - acacia, lantana and ambrosia - our political ecology approach to landscape transformations shows that weeds do not act alone and that invasives are not inherently bad organisms. Humans and weeds go together; plants take advantage of spaces and opportunities that we create. Human desires for preserving certain social values in landscapes in contradiction to actual transformations is often at the heart of definitions of and conflicts over weeds or invasives.

The Political Communication of Independent Regulatory Agencies

Since independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) became key actors in European regulatory governance in the 1990s, a significant share of policy-making has been carried out by organizations that are neither democratically elected nor directly accountable to elected politicians. In this context, public communication plays an important role. On the one hand, regulatory agencies might try to use communication to raise their accountability and thereby to mitigate their democratic deficit. On the other hand, communication may be used with the intent to steer the behavior of the regulated industry when more coercive regulatory means are unfeasible or undesirable. However, empirical research focusing directly on how regulators communicate is virtually non-existent. To fill this gap, this paper examines the public communication of IRAs in four countries (the United Kingdom, Germany, Ireland, and Switzerland) and three sectors (financial services, telecommunications, and broadcasting). The empirical analysis, based on qualitative interviews and a quantitative content analysis, indicates that the organization of the communication function follows a national pattern approach while a policy sector approach is helpful for understanding the use of communication as a soft tool of regulation.

Entre culture du consensus et critique sociale : les intellectuels de gauche dans la Suisse de l'après-guerre (1945-1968)

Cette thèse étudie l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche dans la vie politique suisse, de 1945 à 1968. D'une part, il s'agit de retracer l'évolution du statut des intellectuels, que ce soit dans ou hors des partis. D'autre part, il est question d'analyser les débats politiques au sein desquels ces intellectuels furent impliqués, et la manière dont ces débats suscitèrent des clivages entre eux. De ce point de vue, nous mettons en lumière les différents courants et groupes formés par les intellectuels progressistes, souvent structurés autour de revues ; il s'agit aussi bien d'étudier l'engagement de personnalités sociales-démocrates que des communistes prosoviétiques, sans oublier les chrétiens pacifistes ou les intellectuels proches de la gauche radicale antistalinienne. S'agissant de l'évolution du statut des acteurs étudiés, ce travail souligne le déclin de la figure de l'intellectuel de gauche organiquement lié à son parti, souvent issu du milieu ouvrier, au profit d'intellectuels critiques, généralement au bénéfice d'une formation académique et revendiquant une certaine autonomie par rapport aux organisations politiques. Du point de vue des débats politiques, l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche est envisagé à la lumière de trois périodes. Tout d'abord, nous étudions la phase de l'immédiat après-guerre (1945-1949), marquée par une poussée de la gauche, y compris prosoviétique, qui met en cause le conservatisme politique issu des années de Mobilisation. Nous étudions ensuite les années les plus tendues de la guerre froide, entre 1950 et 1962, durant lesquelles la vie politique et intellectuelle en Suisse est dominée par un fort anticommunisme, auquel se rallient les dirigeants du Parti socialiste. Pourtant, l'engagement de certains intellectuels progressistes, en particulier dans le mouvement pacifiste, met en cause le consensus politique de guerre froide. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, nous montrons comment la critique intellectuelle de gauche se renforce après 1962, à la faveur de la détente Est-Ouest sur le plan international, et avec l'essor, en Suisse même, du mouvement des « non- conformistes ». Ce mouvement est animé par des intellectuels qui dénoncent le conservatisme helvétique, les excès de l'anticommunisme ou qui affirment leur solidarité avec les travailleurs immigrés en Suisse, aussi bien qu'avec les mouvements sociaux dans les pays du tiers-monde. Nous montrons en particulier comment l'engagement de ces intellectuels progressistes contribue à préparer le terrain pour les mobilisations de la jeunesse qui surviendront dans les « années 1968 ». -- This thesis adresses the political commitment of left-wing intellectuals in Switzerland between 1945 and 1968. It aims, on the one hand, to examine how the status of intellectuals developed within and outside of political parties. On the other hand, it endeavours to understand the political debates that involved and sometimes split these intellectuals. In this intent, we examine the various political orientations and formations that brought left-wing intellectuals together - often around dedicated periodicals - such as the Social-democratic, the Communist, the Christian Progressist or the anti-Stalinist Marxist movements. Regarding the evolving status of left-wing opinion leaders, we observe the decline of the organic, party-affiliated intellectuals - often from a working class background. By contrast, critical academics - left-wing oriented but.not directly linked to a political formation - became prevailing figures. Concerning left-wing intellectuals' involvement in the political debate, we differentiate three historical periods. Firstly, the immediate postwar years (1945-1949) were characterised by the strengthening of a left-wing faction, including pro-Soviet forces, which criticized the conservative political consensus built up during the War. Secondly, during the most tense years of the Cold War (1950-1962), the Swiss political and intellectual life became widely dominated by a strong anticommunism, supported by the Social-Democratic leaders. Still, the commitment of certain progressist intellectuals, particularly in the pacifist movement, called into question the political consensus resulting from the Cold War. This questioning strengthened after 1962, in the context of the Détente, corresponding to the rise of the "non-conformist" movement. This movement stemmed from progressist intellectuals, who criticized the Swiss conservatism, and the excesses of official anticommunism, while declaring their solidarity with immigrant workers or with the social movements in the Third World. We show in particular how these intellectuals paved the way for the youth mobilization due to occur in the "1968 years".

Building legitimacy by criticising the pharmaceutical industry: a qualitative study among prescribers and local opinion leaders.

PRINCIPLES: The literature has described opinion leaders not only as marketing tools of the pharmaceutical industry, but also as educators promoting good clinical practice. This qualitative study addresses the distinction between the opinion-leader-as-marketing-tool and the opinion-leader-as-educator, as it is revealed in the discourses of physicians and experts, focusing on the prescription of antidepressants. We explore the relational dynamic between physicians, opinion leaders and the pharmaceutical industry in an area of French-speaking Switzerland. METHODS: Qualitative content analysis of 24 semistructured interviews with physicians and local experts in psychopharmacology, complemented by direct observation of educational events led by the experts, which were all sponsored by various pharmaceutical companies. RESULTS: Both physicians and experts were critical of the pharmaceutical industry and its use of opinion leaders. Local experts, in contrast, were perceived by the physicians as critical of the industry and, therefore, as a legitimate source of information. Local experts did not consider themselves opinion leaders and argued that they remained intellectually independent from the industry. Field observations confirmed that local experts criticised the industry at continuing medical education events. CONCLUSIONS: Local experts were vocal critics of the industry, which nevertheless sponsor their continuing education. This critical attitude enhanced their credibility in the eyes of the prescribing physicians. We discuss how the experts, despite their critical attitude, might still be beneficial to the industry's interests.

“Of Spitzenkandidaten and European Leaders”: Is the new 2014 "politicized” Presidency of the Commission going to be a real step forward in the EU legitimization process?

Thanks to ART.17.7 of the Lisbon Treaty, the European Council now has to “take into account” the results of EP Elections when selecting a candidate for the role of Commission President. The European Parliament has grabbed the opportunity to launch the first electoral race for spitzenkandidaten to the Presidency. Is this the start of a new democratizing (and thus, politicizing) process for the European Union? This dissertation will try to give a possible answer to the dilemma by constructing a comprehensive framework around EP Elections 2014 that will involve both the Commission and the Parliament and an analysis of the debate beyond legal provisions and the possibility of a politicized presidency of the Commission.

Literature report : a review of policy learning in five strands of political science research

This paper reviews the policy learning literature in political science. In recent years, the number of publications on learning in the political realm increased dramatically. Researchers have focused on how policymakers and administrators adapt policies based on learning processes or experiences. Thereby, learning has been discussed in very different ways. Authors have referred to learning in the context of ideas, understood as deeply held beliefs, and, as change and adaptation of policy instruments. Two other strands of literature have taken into consideration learning, namely the diffusion literature and research on transfer, which put forward learning to understand who learns from whom and what. Opposed to these views, political learning emphasizes the adaptation of new strategies by policymakers over the transfer of knowledge or broad ideas. In this approach, learning occurs due to the failure of existing policies, increasing problem pressure, scientific innovations, or a combination of these elements.

The transatlantic business community faced with US direct investment in Western Europe, 1958-1968

This article examines the position of US and European business in the debate about American direct investment in Western Europe in a historical perspective, from the establishment of the Common Market to the introduction of US regulation of foreign direct investment (FDI) a decade later. Based on abundant and diverse archival documents, it sheds new light on the process of Americanisation and contributes to existing research on transnational networks, by revealing the active role industrial leaders on both sides of the Atlantic played in shaping the political responses to problems raised by the American firms' massive presence in the Common Market.

An Explanatory Approach to the Political Uses of ICT Initiatives for Participation : Institutions, Context, and Characteristics of the Actors

Political actors use ICTs in a different manner and in different degrees when it comes to achieving a closer relationship between the public and politicians. Usually, political parties develop ICT strategies only for electoral campaigning and therefore restrain ICT usages to providing information and establishing a few channels of communication. By contrast, local governments make much more use of ICT tools for participatory and deliberative purposes. These differences in usages have not been well explained in the literature because of a lack of a comprehensive explanatory model. This chapter seeks to build the basis for this model, that is, to establish which factors affect and condition different political uses of ICTs and which principles underlie that behaviour. We consider that political actors are intentional and their behaviour is mediated by the political institutions and the socioeconomic context of the country. Also, though, the actor¿s own characteristics, such as the type and size of the organization or the model of e-democracy that the actor upholds, can have an influence in launching ICT initiatives for approaching the public.