957 resultados para early modern intellectual history
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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS
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Research partly motivated by Lewis Carroll's Euclid and his modern rivals (1879) portuguese translation, this paper presents some hermeneutical remarks taken as necessary to understand the context in which such book was produced. The paper focuses particularly on education, in general, and on the teaching of mathematics and Geometry in victorian England.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Previous studies of the Social Gospel movement have acknowledged the fact that Social Gospelers were involved in multiple social reform movements during the Gilded Age and into the Progressive Era. However, most of these studies have failed to explain how the reform experiences of the Social Gospelers contributed to the development of the Social Gospel. The Social Gospelers’ ideas regarding the need to transform society and their strategies for doing so were largely a result of their personal experiences as reformers and their collaboration with other reformers. The knowledge and insight gained from interaction with a variety of reform methods played a vital role in the development of the ideology and theology of the Social Gospel. George Howard Gibson is exemplary of the connections between the Social Gospel movement and several other social reform movements of the time. He was involved in the Temperance movement, was a member of both the Prohibition Party and the People’s Party, and co-founded a Christian socialist cooperative colony. His writings illustrate the formation of his identity as a Social Gospeler as well as his attempts to find an organization through which to realize the kingdom of God on earth. Failure to achieve the changes he desired via prohibition encouraged him to broaden his reform goals. Like many Midwestern Social Gospelers Gibson believed he had found “God’s Party” in the People’s Party, but he rejected reform via the political system once the Populists restricted their attention to the silver issue and fused with the Democratic Party. Yet his involvement with the People’s Party demonstrates the attraction many Social Gospelers had to the reforms proposed in the Omaha Platform of 1892 as well as to the party’s use of revivalistic language and emphasis on producerism and brotherhood. Gibson’s experimentation with a variety of ways to achieve the kingdom of God on earth provides new insight into the experiences and contributions of lay Social Gospelers. Adviser: Kenneth J. Winkle
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Examination of scatological motifs in Théophile de Viau’s (1590-1626) libertine, or ‘cabaret’ poetry is important in terms of how the scatological contributes to the depiction of the Early Modern body in the French lyric.1 This essay does not examine Théophile’s portrait of the body strictly in terms of the ‘Baroque’ or the ‘neo-Classical.’ Rather, it argues that the scatological context in which he situates the body (either his, or those of others), reflects a keen sensibility of the body representative of the transition between these two eras. Théophile reinforces what Bernard Beugnot terms the body’s inherent ‘eloquence’ (17), or what Patrick Dandrey describes as an innate ‘textuality’ in what the body ‘writes’ (31), and how it discloses meaning. The poet’s scatological lyric, much of which was published in the Pamasse Satyrique of 1622, projects a different view of the body’s ‘eloquence’ by depicting a certain realism and honesty about the body as well as the pleasure and suffering it experiences. This Baroque realism, which derives from a sense of the grotesque and the salacious, finds itself in conflict with the Classical body which is frequently characterized as elegant, adorned, and ‘domesticated’ (Beugnot 25). Théophile’s private body is completely exposed, and, unlike the public body of the court, does not rely on masking and pretension to define itself. Mitchell Greenberg contends that the body in late sixteenth-century and early seventeenth-century French literature is often depicted in a chaotic manner because, ‘the French body politic was rent by tumultuous religious and social upheavals’ (62).2 While one could argue that Théophile’s portraits of a syphilis-ridden narrators are more a reflection of his personal agony rather than that of France as a whole, what emerges in Théophile is an emphasis on the movement, if not decomposition of the body.3 Given Théophile’s public persona and the satirical dimension of his work, it is difficult to imagine that the degeneration he portrays is limited only to his individual experience. On a collective level, Théophile reflects what Greenberg calls ‘a continued, if skewed apprehension of the world in both its physical and metaphysical dimensions’(62–3) typical of the era. To a large extent, the body Théophile depicts is a scatological body, one whose deterioration takes the form of waste, disease, and evacuation as represented in both the private and public domain. Of course, one could cast aside any serious reading of Théophile’s libertine verse, and virtually all of scatological literature for that matter, as an immature indulgence in the prurient. Nonetheless, it was for his dissolute behavior and his scatological poetry that Théophile was imprisoned and condemned to death. Consequently, this part of his work merits serious consideration in terms of the personal and poetic (if not occasionally political) statement it represents. With the exception of Claire Gaudiani’s outstanding critical edition of Théophile’s cabaret lyric, there exist no extensive studies of the poet’s libertine œuvre.4 Clearly however, these poems should be taken seriously with respect to their philosophical and aesthetic import. As a consequence, the objective becomes that of enhancing the reader’s understanding of the lyric contexts in which Théophile’s scatological offerings situate themselves. Structurally, the reader sees how the poet’s libertine ceuvre is just that — an integrated work in which the various components correspond to one another to set forth a number of approaches from which the texts are to be read. These points of view are not always consistent, and Théophile cannot be thought of as writing in a sequential manner along the lines of devotional Baroque poets such as Jean de La Ceppède and Jean de Sponde. However, there is a tendency not to read these poems in their vulgar totality, and to overlook the formal and substantive unity in this category of Théophile’s work. The poet’s resistance to poetic and cultural standards takes a profane, if not pornographic form because it seeks to disgust and arouse while denigrating the self, the lyric other, and the reader. Théophile’s pornography makes no distinction between the erotic and scatological. The poet conflates sex and shit because they present a double form of protest to artistic and social decency while titillating and attacking the reader’s sensibilities. Examination of the repugnant gives way to a cathartic experience which yields an understanding of, if not ironic delight in, one’s own filthy nature.
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The aims of the dissertation are to find the right description of the structure of perceptual experience and to explore the ways in which the structure of the body might serve to explain it. In the first two parts, I articulate and defend the claim that perceptual experience seems direct and the claim that its objects seem real. I defend these claims as integral parts of a coherent metaphysically neutral conception of perceptual experience. Sense-datum theorists, certain influential perceptual psychologists, and early modern philosophers (most notably Berkeley) all disputed the claim that perceptual experience seems direct. In Part I, I argue that the grounds on which they did so were poor. The aim is then, in Part II, to give a proper appreciation of the distinctive intentionality of perceptual experience whilst remaining metaphysically neutral. I do so by drawing on the early work of Edmund Husserl, providing a characterisation of the perceptual experience of objects as real, qua mind-independent particulars. In Part III, I explore two possible explanations of the structure characterising the intentionality of perceptual experience, both of which accord a distinctive explanatory role to the body. On one account, perceptual experience is structured by an implicit pre-reflective consciousness of oneself as a body engaged in perceptual activity. An alternative account makes no appeal to the metaphysically laden concept of a bodily self. It seeks to explain the structure of perceptual experience by appeal to anticipation of the structural constraints of the body. I develop this alternative by highlighting the conceptual and empirical basis for the idea that a first-order structural affordance relation holds between a bodily agent and certain properties of its body. I then close with a discussion of the shared background assumptions that ought to inform disputes over whether the body itself (in addition to its representation) ought to serve as an explanans in such an account.
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Als charakteristische Besonderheit in der koreanischen Geschichte besitzt der Korea-Krieg eine wichtige Position, so dass er bisher die gesamte Landesstruktur und -geschichte stark beeinflusst hat. Das gilt auch für die koreanische Filmgeschichte und nach dem Korea-Krieg im Jahr 1950 wurde in den Filmen das Thema „Landesteilung“ häufig aufgegriffen und bis heute oft behandelt.rnIn dieser Untersuchung werden solche Filme als Konflikt-Filme bezeichnet, die die Spaltung des Landes und die Beziehungen zu Nordkorea thematisieren, und insgesamt 60 Beispielfilme aus verschiedenen Filmgenres seit dem Ende des Korea-Kriegs bis zur Gegenwart analysiert und unter dem Aspekt beleuchtet, wie diese politischen und gesellschaftlichen Themen über das Verhältnis zwischen Süd- und Nordkorea repräsentiert werden. Mit Hilfe von Beispielfilmen wird versucht, herauszufinden, wie stark und unterschiedlich der Bruderkrieg und die davon abgeleitete Teilung des Landes in südkoreanischen Filmen im Wandel der Geschichte widergespiegelt werden. rnDiese Arbeit setzt sich zuerst mit Kracauers Spiegeltheorie, einer filmsoziologischen Theorie, und der Genretheorie als wichtigen theoretischen Überlegungen auseinander, um zu verdeutlichen, in welchem Bezug Konfliktfilme über die südkoreanische Gesellschaft angesehen werden und welche Rolle sie als Spiegel der Gesellschaft spielen, um gesellschaftliche Stimmungen, Bewusstseinsformen und Wünsche zu verdeutlichen. Dabei werden die kulturellen und gesellschaftlichen sowie filmwirtschaftlichen Aspekte berücksichtigt. rnDie vorliegende Arbeit bietet einen umfangreichen Überblick über den Konfliktfilm im südkoreanischen Kino seit dem Korea-Krieg. Die koreanischen Konflikt-Filme als regional-spezifische Filmkategorie stehen im engen Zusammenhang mit dieser politischen Situation und die Darstellung sowie Thematisierung Nordkoreas werden jeweils durch die verschiedenen Generationen der Filmemacher unterschiedlich präsentiert. Im südkoreanischen Diskurs bilden sie ein eigenes Genre, das alle klassischen und gemischten Filmgenres integriert; im Wandel der Geschichte haben sie sich dabei stetig weiterentwickelt, in engem Zusammenhang mit der Politik der verschiedenen Präsidenten Südkoreas gegenüber Nordkorea. rn
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Als eines der erstaunlichsten Merkmale des algerisch-französischen Unabhängigkeitskriegs 1954-1962 darf die Kombination von militärischer Aufstandsbekämpfung und zivilen Reformprojekten gelten. Diese Verschränkung lässt sich an keinem Aspekt dieses Krieges so deutlich beobachten wie an der französischen Umsiedlungspolitik. Bis zu drei Millionen Menschen wurden während des Krieges von der französischen Armee gewaltsam aus ihren Dörfern vertreiben und in eigens angelegte Sammellager, die «camps de regroupement», umgesiedelt. Was als rein militärische Maßnahme begann, entwickelte sich schnell zu einem gewaltigen ländlichen Entwicklungsprogramm. Durch das Versprechen einer umfassenden Modernisierung aller Lebensbereiche im Schnellverfahren sollten die Insassen der Lager zu loyalen Anhängern des Projekts eines französischen Algeriens gemacht werden. Die «camps de regroupement» lassen sich als Modernisierungslaboratorien beschreiben, in denen sich scheinbar widersprüchliche Elemente wie Entwicklungshilfe mit äußerst rigider Bevölkerungskontrolle und totalitär anmutenden Maßnahmen des social engineering zu einem einzigartigen Ensemble verbanden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]