Public Support for Enlargement: Economic, Cultural, or Normative?

The current research questioned whether public opinion on enlargement can be adequately explained only by economic calculation and cultural/community identity. When the analytical viewpoint was expanded from the conventional individual level to state level, it was revealed that constructivist considerations-such as the democratization and reunification of Europe-play a critical role in pushing forward enlargement. Drawing on the perspective of international relations, this study introduced a synthetic model to analyze public opinion on enlargement in the EU's 15 old member states. The analysis using a Eurobarometer dataset showed that on public support for enlargement, constructivist attitudes held as much sway as cultural/community attitudes. In fact, expectations of democratization were the most important determinant of support for enlargement in the case of Turkey.

The Changing Nature of Employment and the Reform of Labor and Social Security Legislation in Post-Apartheid South Africa

This paper tries to understand the current status of South African labor market, which is changing in contradictory directions, i.e. a strengthening of the rights and protection of workers at the same time as the flexibilization of employment, in the context of the characteristics of labor and social security legislation in South Africa, as well as the nature of labor and social security reforms after democratization. We put emphasis on the corporatist nature of labor policy-making as the factor influencing the course of reforms; it is argued that the apparently contradictive changes can be explained consistently by the corporatist labor policy-making process which has been practiced notwithstanding the problem of representativeness.

Decentralization in Nation State Building of Indonesia

Introduction：Today, many countries, regardless of developed or developing, are trying to promote decentralization. According to Manor, as his quoting of Nickson’s argument, decentralization stems from the necessity to strengthen local governments as proxy of civil society to fill the yawning gap between the state and civil society (Manor [1999]: 30). With the end to the Cold War following the collapse of the Soviet Union rendering the cause of the “leadership of the central government to counter communism” meaningless, Manor points out, it has become increasingly difficult to respond flexibly to changes in society under the centralized system. Then, what benefits can be expected from the effectuation of decentralization? Litvack-Ahmad-Bird cited the four points: attainment of allocative efficiency in the face of different local preferences for local public goods; improvement to government competitiveness; realization of good governance; and enhancement of the legitimacy and sustainability of heterogeneous national states (Litvack, Ahmad & Bird [1998]: 5). They all contribute to reducing the economic and social costs of a central government unable to respond to changes in society and enhancing the efficiency of state administration through the delegation of authority to local governments. Why did Indonesia have a go at decentralization? As Maryanov recognizes, reasons for the implementation of decentralization in Indonesia have never been explicitly presented (Maryanov [1958]: 17). But there was strong momentum toward building a democratic state in Indonesia at the time of independence, and as indicated by provisions of Article 18 of the 1945 Constitution, there was the tendency in Indonesia from the beginning to debate decentralization in association with democratization. That said debate about democratization was fairly abstract and the main points are to ease the tensions, quiet the complaints, satisfy the political forces and thus stabilize the process of government (Maryanov [1958]: 26-27). 　　　What triggered decentralization in Indonesia in earnest, of course, was the collapse of the Soeharto regime in May 1998. The Soeharto regime, regarded as the epitome of the centralization of power, became incapable of effectively dealing with problems in administration of the state and development administration. Besides, the post-Soeharto era of “reform (reformasi)” demanded the complete wipeout of the Soeharto image. In contraposition to the centralization of power was decentralization. The Soeharto regime that ruled Indonesia for 32 years was established in 1966 under the banner of “anti-communism.” The end of the Cold War structure in the late 1980s undermined the legitimate reason the centralization of power to counter communism claimed by the Soeharto regime. The factor for decentralization cited by Manor is applicable here. 　　　Decentralization can be interpreted to mean not only the reversal of the centralized system of government due to its inability to respond to changes in society, as Manor points out, but also the participation of local governments in the process of the nation state building through the more positive transfer of power (democratic decentralization) and in the coordinated pursuit with the central government for a new shape of the state. However, it is also true that a variety of problems are gushing out in the process of implementing decentralization in Indonesia. 　　　This paper discusses the relationship between decentralization and the formation of the nation state with the awareness of the problems and issues described above. Section 1 retraces the history of decentralization by examining laws and regulations for local administration and how they were actually implemented or not. Section 2 focuses on the relationships among the central government, local governments, foreign companies and other actors in the play over the distribution of profits from exploitation of natural resources, and examines the process of the ulterior motives of these actors and the amplification of mistrust spawning intense conflicts that, in extreme cases, grew into separation and independence movements. Section 3 considers the merits and demerits at this stage of decentralization implemented since 2001 and shed light on the significance of decentralization in terms of the nation state building. Finally, Section 4 attempts to review decentralization as the “opportunity to learn by doing” for the central and local governments in the process of the nation state building. 　　　In the context of decentralization in Indonesia, deconcentration (dekonsentrasi), decentralization (desentralisasi) and support assignments (tugas pembantuan; medebewind, a Dutch word, was used previously) are defined as follows. Dekonsentrasi means that when the central government puts a local office of its own, or an outpost agency, in charge of implementing its service without delegating the administrative authority over this particular service. The outpost agency carries out the services as instructed by the central government. A head of a local government, when acting for the central government, gets involved in the process of dekonsentrasi. Desentralisasi, meanwhile, occurs when the central government cedes the administrative authority over a particular service to local governments. Under desentralisasi, local governments can undertake the particular service at their own discretion, and the central government, after the delegation of authority, cannot interfere with how local governments handle that service. Tugas pembantuan occur when the central government makes local governments or villages, or local governments make villages, undertake a particular service. In this case, the central government, or local governments, provides funding, equipment and materials necessary, and officials of local governments and villages undertake the service under the supervision and guidance of the central or local governments. Tugas pembantuan are maintained until local governments and villages become capable of undertaking that particular service on their own.

Post-Crisis Economic Reform in Indonesia:Policy for Intervening in Ownership in Historical Perspective

Introduction : Economic reform in Indonesia after the Asian currency crisis is often discussed in parallel with Thailand and South Korea, which were alike hit by the crisis. It should however be noted that what happened in Indonesia was a change of political regime from authoritarianism to democracy, not just a change of government as seen in Thailand and South Korea. Indonesia’s post-crisis reform should be understood in the context of dismantling of the Soeharto regime to seek a new democratic state system. 　　　In the political sphere, dramatic institutional changes have occurred since the downfall of the Soeharto government in May 1998. In comparison, changes in the economic sphere are more complex than the political changes, as the former involve at least three aspects. The first is the continuity in the basic framework of capitalist system with policy orientation toward economic liberalization. In this framework, the policies to overcome the crisis are continued from the last period of the Soeharto rule, under the support system of IMF and CGI (Consultative Group on Indonesia). The second aspect is the impact of the political regime change on the economic structure. It is considered that the structure of economic vested interests of the Soeharto regime is being disintegrated as the regime breaks down. The third aspect is the impact of the political regime change on economic policy-making process. The process of formulating and implementing policies has changed drastically from the Soeharto time. With these three aspects simultaneously at work, it is not so easy to identify which of them is the main cause for a given specific economic phenomenon emerging in Indonesia today. 　　　Keeping this difficulty in mind, this paper attempts to situate the post-crisis economic reform in the broader context of the historical development of Indonesian economic policies and their achievements. We focus in particular on the reform policies for banking and corporate sectors and resulting structural changes in these sectors. This paper aims at understanding the significance of the changes in the economic ownership structure that are occurring in the post-Soeharto Indonesia. Economic policies here do not mean macro economic policies, such as fiscal, financial and trade policies, but refer to micro economic policies whereby the government intervenes in the economic ownership structure. In Section 1, we clarify why economic policies for intervening in the ownership structure are important in understanding Indonesia. Section 2 follows the historical development of Indonesia’s economic policies as specified above, throughout the four successive periods since Indonesia’s independence, namely, the parliamentary democracy period, the Guided Democracy period under Soekarno, the Soeharto-regime consolidation period, and the Soeharto-regime transfiguration period2. Then we observe what economic ownership structure was at work in the pre-crisis last days of the Soeharto rule as an outcome of the economic policies. In Section 3, we examine what structural changes have taken place in the banking and corporate sectors due to the reform policies in the post-crisis and post-Soeharto Indonesia. Lastly in Section 4, we interpret the current reorganization of the economic ownership in the context of the historical transition of the ownership structure, taking account of the changes in the policy-making processes under democratization.

The urban middle class in the instability of new democracies

The recent revolts of the middle class in the national capitals of the Philippines and Thailand have raised a new question about democratic consolidation. Why would the urban middle class, which is expected to stabilize democracy, expel the democratically elected leaders through extra-constitutional action? This article seeks to explain such middle class deviation from democratic institutions through an examination of urban primacy and the change in the winning coalition. The authoritarian regime previously in power tended to give considerable favor to the primate city to prevent it revolting against the ruler, because it could have become a menace to his power. But after democratization the new administration shifts policy orientation from an urban to rural bias because it needs to garner support from rural voters to win elections. Such a shift dissatisfies the middle class in the primate city. In this article I take up the Philippines as a case study to examine this theory.

Research review : searching for a new framework for Thailand's foreign policy in the post-cold war era

Thai foreign policy in the 1990s has been said to be contingent on the government in power, which changes between (or within) these groups and vacillates between pro-democratic reformists/principle-pursuers and the conservatives/profit-seekers. In these studies, Thailand’s Indochinese policy has often been referred to as a typical consequence of politics between the pragmatists and the reformists. However, whether or not domestic oppositional politics is the key determinant of foreign policy in the post-Cold War era still requires further examination, precisely because the model is now facing serious challenges between theory and reality. In this paper, I review the existing arguments concerning Thailand’s foreign policy in the post-Cold War Era and point out their limitations and questions for future study.

Trajectories and outcomes of the 'Arab Spring' : comparing Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Syria

Almost three years have passed since the 'Arab Spring' began in late 2010. In the major sites of popular uprisings, political conditions remain unsettled or violent. Despite similarities in their original opposition to authoritarian rule, the outcomes differed from country to country. In Tunisia and Egypt, processes of transiting from authoritarian rule produced contrasting consequences for democratic politics. Uprisings led to armed rebellion in Libya and Syria, but whereas Gaddafi was overthrown, Asad was not. What explains the different trajectories and outcomes of the Arab Spring? How were these shaped by the power structure and levels of social control of the pre-uprising regimes and their state institutions, on the one hand, and by the character of the societies and oppositional forces that rose against them? Comparing Tunisia with Egypt, and Libya with Syria, this paper discusses various factors that account for variations in the trajectories and outcomes of the Arab Spring, namely, the legacy of the previous regime, institutional and constitutional choices during "transition" from authoritarian rule, socioeconomic conditions, and the presence of absence of ethnic, sectarian and geographic diversity.

The stakes of politics and electoral administration : a comparative study of Southeast Asian democracies

Elections play a crucial role in political stability in post-democratization, and electoral administrations are the key to the electoral process. However, not all newly democratized countries have established reliable electoral administration. New democracies in Southeast Asia, such as the Philippines, Indonesia and Thailand, have independent election commissions which have different characteristics, especially in terms of neutrality. Based on three cases, this paper claims that the stakes of politics are the major determinant of the variations in neutrality. The high stakes of politics in Thailand brought about the partisan election commission, while the low stakes in Indonesia made the electoral system relatively neutral. Like Thailand, the high stakes of politics in the Philippines also cause political intervention in the electoral administration.

Religião e Movimento Social: as representações religiosas dos pentecostais do Assentamento Herbert de Souza, Moreno, Pernambuco

Objetiva esta pesquisa descrever e analisar as representações religiosas dos pentecostais do Assentamento Herbert de Souza, localizado no município de Moreno, no Estado de Pernambuco. Percebemos no decorrer da investigação que os assentados pentecostais, todos beneficiados pela ação do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), atualizam suas representações religiosas de acordo com a demanda de vida que os motivou quando da entrada deles nas terras que pertenceram ao Engenho Pinto. Foi constatado também que o lugar e o tempo no qual aconteceu a inserção de cada pentecostal fez com que eles desenvolvessem elaborações religiosas diferenciadas acerca do Movimento, da terra e do que concebem como prática religiosa. Assim eles tecem redes simbólicas de significado que dão ordem às suas concepções de mundo. Procuramos comparar as representações dos pentecostais que já residiam nas terras do Engenho antes da ocupação com as daqueles que vieram depois, já como militantes do MST, ou simplesmente beneficiados pelo processo de democratização da terra. Criamos três tipos idéias de pentecostais: os pré-ocupação, os pós-ocupação e os pró-ocupação. Consideramos, finalmente, que as representações são elaboradas num momento de crise, em que há um intercâmbio de saberes entre o que afirma o MST e o que sistematiza as doutrinas da igreja à qual os fieis estejam vinculados. A situação de contingência é fundamental para o surgimento de um processo de negociação entre as práticas doutrinárias pentecostais e as exigências do MST.(AU)

Religião e Movimento Social: as representações religiosas dos pentecostais do Assentamento Herbert de Souza, Moreno, Pernambuco

Objetiva esta pesquisa descrever e analisar as representações religiosas dos pentecostais do Assentamento Herbert de Souza, localizado no município de Moreno, no Estado de Pernambuco. Percebemos no decorrer da investigação que os assentados pentecostais, todos beneficiados pela ação do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), atualizam suas representações religiosas de acordo com a demanda de vida que os motivou quando da entrada deles nas terras que pertenceram ao Engenho Pinto. Foi constatado também que o lugar e o tempo no qual aconteceu a inserção de cada pentecostal fez com que eles desenvolvessem elaborações religiosas diferenciadas acerca do Movimento, da terra e do que concebem como prática religiosa. Assim eles tecem redes simbólicas de significado que dão ordem às suas concepções de mundo. Procuramos comparar as representações dos pentecostais que já residiam nas terras do Engenho antes da ocupação com as daqueles que vieram depois, já como militantes do MST, ou simplesmente beneficiados pelo processo de democratização da terra. Criamos três tipos idéias de pentecostais: os pré-ocupação, os pós-ocupação e os pró-ocupação. Consideramos, finalmente, que as representações são elaboradas num momento de crise, em que há um intercâmbio de saberes entre o que afirma o MST e o que sistematiza as doutrinas da igreja à qual os fieis estejam vinculados. A situação de contingência é fundamental para o surgimento de um processo de negociação entre as práticas doutrinárias pentecostais e as exigências do MST.(AU)

UM ESTUDO DO PROCESSO DE CONSTRUÇÃO DA GESTÃO DEMOCRÁTICA EM UMA ESCOLA DO SISTEMA S

Este trabalho teve como propósito a análise da gestão democrática de uma escola do Sistema S, especificamente o Centro Educacional SESI Nº 406, localizado na cidade de Mauá, uma das 211 escolas que compõem a Rede Escolar SESI do Estado de São Paulo, no período de 2001 a 2007, tendo como referência a análise do contexto histórico das lutas travadas pela democratização da sociedade no período que sucede a ditadura militar. O ensino como direito de todos, os mecanismos de participação, a inserção da comunidade escolar nos processos decisórios e a construção da gestão democrática da escola, foram movimentos que acompanharam o processo de redemocratização da sociedade no início da década de 1980. O estudo discute os caminhos trilhados para a conquista da gestão democrática, identificando mudanças e as transformações ocorridas no período em questão. Utilizamos como recurso para a coleta de dados a análise de documentos da instituição, a observação participante, a coleta de depoimentos escritos e gravados de alunos, professores e demais integrantes da comunidade escolar. Os dados desta pesquisa revelam que a mudança de postura do gestor, no sentido de possibilitar a diluição do poder, é imprescindível para a ruptura dos modelos de administração verticalizada e centralizadora, tendo este o gestor o papel fundamental de articulador das ações que priorizem o coletivo. Os resultados evidenciam o reconhecimento positivo do conjunto de atores sociais entrevistados quanto aos avanços da gestão democrática, considerada é um processo em construção. Concluímos com Coutinho (2004), que a democracia deve ser entendida não como um estado, mas sempre como um processo.

UM ESTUDO DO PROCESSO DE CONSTRUÇÃO DA GESTÃO DEMOCRÁTICA EM UMA ESCOLA DO SISTEMA S

Este trabalho teve como propósito a análise da gestão democrática de uma escola do Sistema S, especificamente o Centro Educacional SESI Nº 406, localizado na cidade de Mauá, uma das 211 escolas que compõem a Rede Escolar SESI do Estado de São Paulo, no período de 2001 a 2007, tendo como referência a análise do contexto histórico das lutas travadas pela democratização da sociedade no período que sucede a ditadura militar. O ensino como direito de todos, os mecanismos de participação, a inserção da comunidade escolar nos processos decisórios e a construção da gestão democrática da escola, foram movimentos que acompanharam o processo de redemocratização da sociedade no início da década de 1980. O estudo discute os caminhos trilhados para a conquista da gestão democrática, identificando mudanças e as transformações ocorridas no período em questão. Utilizamos como recurso para a coleta de dados a análise de documentos da instituição, a observação participante, a coleta de depoimentos escritos e gravados de alunos, professores e demais integrantes da comunidade escolar. Os dados desta pesquisa revelam que a mudança de postura do gestor, no sentido de possibilitar a diluição do poder, é imprescindível para a ruptura dos modelos de administração verticalizada e centralizadora, tendo este o gestor o papel fundamental de articulador das ações que priorizem o coletivo. Os resultados evidenciam o reconhecimento positivo do conjunto de atores sociais entrevistados quanto aos avanços da gestão democrática, considerada é um processo em construção. Concluímos com Coutinho (2004), que a democracia deve ser entendida não como um estado, mas sempre como um processo.

A TV DIGITAL DIVULGADA NO BOLETIM ELETRÔNICO DO FNDC: UM ESTUDO SOBRE O COMPORTAMENTO DA MÍDIA NA IMPLANTAÇÃO DA TV DIGITAL NO BRASIL

Implantada no Brasil na década de 50, a TV a mídia de maior abrangência e poder ideológico entre seus públicos encara sua segunda grande transformação: ela deixa de ser analógica e passa a ser digital. Com isso, traz à tona novas possibilidades de recepção e a possível convergência de meios. Nesse contexto, o objetivo deste estudo foi analisar o processo de instalação do Sistema Brasileiro de Televisão Digital Terrestre (SBTVD-t) a partir do clipping on-line do Fórum Nacional pela Democratização da Comunicação (FNDC). A análise desse material teve como foco averiguar se o FNDC foi tendencioso ou não na veiculação de matérias voltadas aos aspectos técnicos da nova tecnologia, em detrimento de seu potencial social. Para tanto, optou-se por uma pesquisa de base quantitativa em que as informações e os dados coletados levaram à constatação de que o FNDC se mostra pouco eficaz como aparato crítico-apreciativo da grande mídia, além de não cumprir alguns de seus objetivos ao reproduzir discursos e ideologias de outros veículos. Da mesma forma, verificou-se ainda que o Governo Federal também fugiu aos objetivos listados nos decretos presidenciais que instituem e dispõem sobre a implantação do SBTVD.(AU)