Os animais não humanos no material didático do programa São Paulo Faz Escola

The relationship between humans and non-human animals dates back to the Prehistoric Era, when groups of humans migrated from the nomadic and extractive stage to sedentariness, starting to develop agriculture and animal husbandry. Ancient Greek philosophy, notably the Aristotelian school of philosophy, posited that nature has not done anything for nothing, and all things have a purpose: plants were created for the sake of animals, and these for the good of men, while the Bible preaches the view that the world was created for the good of men and other species were subordinated to their wants and needs. During the Renaissance, centuries XIV to XVI, anthropocentrism was established as the main philosophical concept. However, in relation to the treatment of animals, Renaissance did not differ substantially from medieval scholasticism, considering animals like machines, devoid of pain and immortal soul. In this context, scientific knowledge about plants, non-human animals and nature in general, is built on anthropocentric values, thus influencing the construction of school education in the disciplines of Science and Biology. Nowadays, at São Paulo state schools, specifically in the Ensino Fundamental II (6th to 9th grade), the program of the discipline Ciências da Natureza e suas Tecnologias is set by the Currículo Oficial do Estado de São Paulo, via the São Paulo Faz Escola Program, implemented by the Secretaria Estadual de Educação in 2010. This documentary research used the methodology of Content Analysis and aimed to analyze the presentation of non-human animals in Caderno do Professor and Caderno do Aluno, from 6th to 9th grades of the discipline Ciências da Natureza e suas Tecnologias. The analysis of the courseware revealed that its contents were influenced by the anthropocentric view, in both implicitly and explicitly ways, conveying anthropomorphic, utilitarian, stereotyped and derogatory statements towards...

Ceramic technology of the Asurini do Xingu, Brazil: An ethnoarchaeological study of artifact variability

This article presents some of the results of ethnoarchaeological research on ceramic technology I have conducted among the Asurini do Xingu, an Amazonian indigenous population inhabiting a village in the margins of the Xingu River, Para, Brazil. Based on collected data, presented throughout the article, I discuss the reasons behind the formal, quantitative, spatial and relational variability of the Asurini ceramic vessels. This work will demonstrate that these distinct dimensions of variability are related to the potters` technological choices during the vessels` production process, the ceramic teaching-learning structure, and the type, frequency, method and context of use of the same vessels. I try to make clear the different practical and symbolic aspects that may influence the production, use, reuse, storage and discard processes of the vessels. Furthermore, I compare the Asurini context with other ethnographic contexts and try to distinguish regularities that may serve as interpretative references to the study of archaeological ceramic assemblages.

New historical archeointensity data from Brazil: Evidence for a large regional non-dipole field contribution over the past few centuries

We report new archeointensity data obtained from the analyses of baked clay elements (architectural and kiln brick fragments) sampled in Southeast Brazil and historically and/or archeologically dated between the end of the XVIth century and the beginning of the XXth century AD. The results were determined using the classical Thellier and Thellier protocol as modified by Coe, including partial thermoremanent magnetization (pTRM) and pTRM-tail checks, and the Triaxe protocol, which involves continuous high-temperature magnetization measurements. In both protocols, TRM anisotropy and cooling rate TRM dependence effects were taken into account for intensity determinations which were successfully performed for 150 specimens from 43 fragments, with a good agreement between intensity results obtained from the two procedures. Nine site-mean intensity values were derived from three to eight fragments and defined with standard deviations of less than 8%. The site-mean values vary from similar to 25 mu T to similar to 42 mu T and describe in Southeast Brazil a continuous decreasing trend by similar to 5 mu T per century between similar to 1600 AD and similar to 1900 AD. Their comparison with recent archeointensity results obtained from Northeast Brazil and reduced at a same latitude shows that: (1) the geocentric axial dipole approximation is not valid between these southeastern and northeastern regions of Brazil, whose latitudes differ by similar to 10 degrees, and (2) the available global geomagnetic field models (gufm1 models, their recalibrated versions and the CALSK3 models) are not sufficiently precise to reliably reproduce the non-dipole field effects which prevailed in Brazil for at least the 1600-1750 period. The large non-dipole contribution thus highlighted is most probably linked to the evolution of the South Atlantic Magnetic Anomaly (SAMA) during that period. Furthermore, although our dataset is limited, the Brazilian archeointensity data appear to support the view of a rather oscillatory behavior of the axial dipole moment during the past three centuries that would have been marked in particular by a moderate increase between the end of the XVIIIth century and the middle of the XIXth century followed by the well-known decrease from 1840 AD attested by direct measurements. (C) 2011 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

First archeointensity results from Portuguese potteries (1550-1750 AD)

Geomagnetic field variations at archeomagnetic timescales can be obtained from well-dated heated structures and archeological potsherds. Here, we present the first archeointensity results obtained oil Portuguese ceramics (1550 to 1750 AD) collected at Brazilian archeological sites. The results are compared to those obtained from `Western Europe and currently available geomagnetic field models. Continuous thermomagnetic and IRM acquisitions curves indicate that Ti-poor titanomagnetite is responsible for the remanence in these ceramic fragments. Five fragments (24 samples) out of twelve analyzed yielded reliable intensity estimates. The row archeointensity data were corrected for TRM anisotropy and cooling rate effect. The mean dipole moments are obtained for three different age intervals: 1550 +/- 30 AD, 1600 +/- 30 AD and 1750 +/- 50 AD. Mean intensities vary from 37.9 +/- 4.2 mu T to 54.8 +/- 7.6 mu T in agreement with the previously reported data for 1550 AD and 1750 AD. Relatively weaker, but still highly dispersed, values were obtained for 1600 AD ceramics.

Dental health in Northern Chile's Atacama oases: Evaluating the Middle Horizon (AD 500-1000) impact on local diet

As one of the few areas apt for horticulture in Northern Chile's arid landscape, the prehistory of the Atacama oases is deeply enmeshed with that of the inter-regional networks that promoted societal development in the south central Andes. During the Middle Horizon (AD 5001000), local populations experienced a cultural apex associated with a substantial increase in inter-regional interaction, population density, and quantity and quality of mortuary assemblages. Here, we test if this cultural peak affected dietary practices equally among the distinct local groups of this period. We examine caries prevalence and the degree of occlusal wear in four series recovered from three cemeteries. Our results show a reduction in the prevalence of caries for males among an elite subsample from Solcor 3 and the later Coyo 3 cemeteries. Dental wear tends to increase over time with the Late Middle Horizon/Late Intermediate Period cemetery of Quitor 6 showing a higher average degree of wear. When considered in concert with archaeological information, we concluded that the Middle Horizon was marked by dietary variability wherein some populations were able to obtain better access to protein sources (e.g., camelid meat). Not all members of Atacameno society benefited from this, as we note that this dietary change only affected men. Our results suggest that the benefits brought to the San Pedro oases during the Middle Horizon were not equally distributed among local groups and that social status, relationship to the Tiwanaku polity, and interment in particular cemeteries affected dietary composition. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2012. (C) 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

O surgimento da navegação entre os povos dos sambaquis: argumentos, hipóteses e evidências

As evidências arqueológicas encontradas ao longo do litoral brasileiro atestam que essa área era ocupada, desde, pelo menos, 8.000 anos AP, por grupos pescadores coletores que exploravam os ambientes aquáticos costeiros. Embora a comunidade científica acredite que os sambaquieiros fossem exímios navegadores, evidências a esse respeito ainda são raras. Neste artigo, a partir de uma abordagem focada na Arqueologia Marítima, são apresentados argumentos, hipóteses e evidências que discutem o entendimento de que, além de uma forte relação econômica e simbólica com os ambientes aquáticos, os povos dos sambaquis se apropriaram de ou desenvolveram técnicas de navegação e artefatos náuticos.

Barshalder 1 : A cemetery in Grötlingbo and Fide parishes, Gotland, Sweden, c. AD 1-1100. Excavations and finds 1826-1971

The prehistoric cemetery of Barshalder is located along the main road on the boundary between Grötlingbo and Fide parishes, near the southern end of the island of Gotland in the Baltic Sea. The cemetery was used from c. AD 1-1100. The level of publication in Swedish archaeology of the first millennium AD is low compared to, for instance, the British and German examples. Gotland’s rich Iron Age cemeteries have long been intensively excavated, but few have received monographic treatment. This publication is intended to begin filling this gap and to raise the empirical level of the field. It also aims to make explicit and test the often somewhat intuitively conceived results of much previous research. The analyses deal mainly with the Migration (AD 375–540), Vendel (AD 520–790) and Late Viking (AD 1000–1150) Periods. The following lines of inquiry have been prioritised. 1. Landscape history, i.e. placing the cemetery in a landscape-historical context. (Vol. 1, section 2.2.6) 2. Migration Period typochronology, i.e. the study of change in the grave goods. (Vol. 2, chapter 2) 3. Social roles: gender, age and status. (Vol. 2, chapter 3) 4. Religious identity in the 11th century, i.e. the study of religious indicators in mortuary customs and grave goods, with particular emphasis on the relationship between Scandinavian paganism and Christianity.. (Vol. 2, chapter 4) Barshalder is found to have functioned as a central cemetery for the surrounding area, located on peripheral land far away from contemporary settlement, yet placed on a main road along the coast for maximum visibility and possibly near a harbour. Computer supported correspondence analysis and seriation are used to study the gender attributes among the grave goods and the chronology of the burials. New methodology is developed to distinguish gender-neutral attributes from transgressed gender attributes. Sub-gender grouping due to age and status is explored. An independent modern chronology system with rigorous type definitions is established for the Migration Period of Gotland. Recently published chronology systems for the Vendel and Viking Periods are critically reviewed, tested and modified to produce more solid models. Social stratification is studied through burial wealth with a quantitative method, and the results are tested through juxtaposition with several other data types. The Late Viking Period graves of the late 10th and 11th centuries are studied in relation to the contemporary Christian graves at the churchyards. They are found to be symbolically soft-spoken and unobtrusive, with all pagan attributes kept apart from the body in a space between the feet of the deceased and the end of the over-long inhumation trench. A small number of pagan reactionary graves with more forceful symbolism are however also identified. The distribution of different 11th century cemetery types across the island is used to interpret the period’s confessional geography, the scale of social organisation and the degree of allegiance to western and eastern Christianity. 11th century society on Gotland is found to have been characterised by religious tolerance, by an absence of central organisation and by slow piecemeal Christianisation.

Barshalder 2 : Studies of late Iron Age Gotland

The prehistoric cemetery of Barshalder is located along the main road on the boundary between Grötlingbo and Fide parishes, near the southern end of the island of Gotland in the Baltic Sea. The ceme-tery was used from c. AD 1-1100. The level of publication in Swedish archaeology of the first millennium AD is low compared to, for instance, the British and German examples. Gotland’s rich Iron Age cemeteries have long been intensively excavated, but few have received monographic treatment. This publication is intended to begin filling this gap and to raise the empirical level of the field. It also aims to make explicit and test the often somewhat intuitively conceived re-sults of much previous research. The analyses deal mainly with the Migration (AD 375–540), Vendel (AD 520–790) and Late Viking (AD 1000–1150) Periods. The following lines of inquiry have been prioritised. 1. Landscape history, i.e. placing the cemetery in a landscape-historical context. (Vol. 1, section 2.2.6) 2. Migration Period typochronology, i.e. the study of change in the grave goods. (Vol. 2, chapter 2) 3. Social roles: gender, age and status. (Vol. 2, chapter 3) 4. Religious identity in the 11th century, i.e. the study of religious indicators in mortuary cus-toms and grave goods, with particular emphasis on the relationship between Scandinavian paganism and Christianity. (Vol. 2, chapter 4) Barshalder is found to have functioned as a central cemetery for the surrounding area, located on pe-ripheral land far away from contemporary settle-ment, yet placed on a main road along the coast for maximum visibility and possibly near a harbour. Computer supported correspondence analysis and seriation are used to study the gender attributes among the grave goods and the chronology of the burials. New methodology is developed to distin-guish gender-neutral attributes from transgressed gender attributes. Sub-gender grouping due to age and status is explored. An independent modern chronology system with rigorous type definitions is established for the Migration Period of Gotland. Recently published chronology systems for the Vendel and Viking Periods are critically reviewed, tested and modified to produce more solid models. Social stratification is studied through burial wealth with a quantitative method, and the results are tested through juxtaposition with several other data types. The Late Viking Period graves of the late 10th and 11th centuries are studied in relation to the contemporary Christian graves at the churchyards. They are found to be symbolically soft-spoken and unobtrusive, with all pagan attributes kept apart from the body in a space between the feet of the deceased and the end of the over-long inhumation trench. A small number of pagan reactionary graves with more forceful symbolism are however also identified. The distribution of different 11th cen-tury cemetery types across the island is used to in-terpret the period’s confessional geography, the scale of social organisation and the degree of alle-giance to western and eastern Christianity. 11th century society on Gotland is found to have been characterised by religious tolerance, by an absence of central organisation and by slow piecemeal Christianisation.

Rafael Moneo: la complessità del vuoto. Dalle matrici formali dell'opera di Oteiza e Chillida

The experience of void, essential to the production of forms and to make use them, can be considered as the base of the activities that attend to the formative processes. If void and matter constitutes the basic substances of architecture. Their role in the definition of form, the symbolic value and the constructive methods of it defines the quality of the space. This job inquires the character of space in the architecture of Moneo interpreting the meaning of the void in the Basque culture through the reading of the form matrices in the work of Jorge Oteiza and Eduardo Chillida. In the tie with the Basque culture a reading key is characterized by concurring to put in relation some of the theoretical principles expressed by Moneo on the relationship between place and time, in an unique and specific vision of the space. In the analysis of the process that determines the genesis of the architecture of Moneo emerges a trajectory whose direction is constructed on two pivos: on the one hand architecture like instrument of appropriation of the place, gushed from an acquaintance process who leans itself to the reading of the relations that define the place and of the resonances through which measuring it, on the other hand the architecture whose character is able to represent and to extend the time in which he is conceived, through the autonomy that is conferred to them from values. Following the trace characterized from this hypothesis, that is supported on the theories elaborated from Moneo, surveying deepens the reading of the principles that construct the sculptural work of Oteiza and Chillida, features from a search around the topic of the void and to its expression through the form. It is instrumental to the definition of a specific area that concurs to interpret the character of the space subtended to a vision of the place and the time, affine to the sensibility of Moneo and in some way not stranger to its cultural formation. The years of the academic formation, during which Moneo enters in contact with the Basque artistic culture, seem to be an important period in the birth of that knowledge that will leads him to the formulation of theories tied to the relationship between time, place and architecture. The values expressed through the experimental work of Oteiza and Chillida during years '50 are valid bases to the understanding of such relationships. In tracing a profile of the figures of Oteiza and Chillida, without the pretension that it is exhaustive for the reading of the complex historical period in which they are placed, but with the needs to put the work in a context, I want to be evidenced the important role carried out from the two artists from the Basque cultural area within which Moneo moves its first steps. The tie that approaches Moneo to the Basque culture following the personal trajectory of the formative experience interlaces to that one of important figures of the art and the Spanish architecture. One of the more meaningful relationships is born just during the years of his academic formation, from 1958 to the 1961, when he works like student in the professional office of the architect Francisco Sáenz de Oiza, who was teaching architectural design at the ETSAM. In these years many figures of Basque artists alternated at the professional office of Oiza that enjoys the important support of the manufacturer and maecenas Juan Huarte Beaumont, introduced to he from Oteiza. The tie between Huarte and Oteiza is solid and continuous in the years and it realizes in a contribution to many of the initiatives that makes of Oteiza a forwarder of the Basque culture. In the four years of collaboration with Oiza, Moneo has the opportunity to keep in contact with an atmosphere permeated by a constant search in the field of the plastic art and with figures directly connected to such atmosphere. It’s of a period of great intensity as in the production like in the promotion of the Basque art. The collective “Blanco y Negro”, than is held in 1959 at the Galería Darro to Madrid, is only one of the many times of an exhibition of the work of Oteiza and Chillida. The end of the Fifties is a period of international acknowledgment for Chillida that for Oteiza. The decade of the Fifties consecrates the hypotheses of a mythical past of the Basque people through the spread of the studies carried out in the antecedent years. The archaeological discoveries that join to a context already rich of signs of the prehistoric era, consolidate the knowledge of a strong cultural identity. Oteiza, like Chillida and other contemporary artists, believe in a cosmogonist conception belonging to the Basques, connected to their matriarchal mythological past. The void in its meaning of absence, in the Basque culture, thus as in various archaic and oriental religions, is equivalent to the spiritual fullness as essential condition to the revealing of essence. Retracing the archaic origins of the Basque culture emerges the deep meaning that the void assumes as key element in the religious interpretation of the passage from the life to the death. The symbology becomes rich of meaningful characters who derive from the fact that it is a chthonic cult. A representation of earth like place in which divine manifest itself but also like connection between divine and human, and this manipulation of the matter of which the earth it is composed is the tangible projection of the continuous search of the man towards God. The search of equilibrium between empty and full, that characterizes also the development of the form in architecture, in the Basque culture assumes therefore a peculiar value that returns like constant in great part of the plastic expressions, than in this context seem to be privileged regarding the other expressive forms. Oteiza and Chillida develop two original points of view in the representation of the void through the form. Both use of rigorous systems of rules sensitive to the physics principles and the characters of the matter. The last aim of the Oteiza’s construction is the void like limit of the knowledge, like border between known and unknown. It doesn’t means to reduce the sculptural object to an only allusive dimension because the void as physical and spiritual power is an active void, that possesses that value able to reveal the being through the trace of un-being. The void in its transcendental manifestation acts at the same time from universal and from particular, like in the atomic structure of the matter, in which on one side it constitutes the inner structure of every atom and on the other one it is necessary condition to the interaction between all the atoms. The void can be seen therefore as the action field that concurs the relations between the forms but is also the necessary condition to the same existence of the form. In the construction of Chillida the void represents that counterpart structuring the matter, inborn in it, the element in absence of which wouldn’t be variations neither distinctive characters to define the phenomenal variety of the world. The physics laws become the subject of the sculptural representation, the void are the instrument that concurs to catch up the equilibrium. Chillida dedicate himself to experience the space through the senses, to perceive of the qualities, to tell the physics laws which forge the matter in the form and the form arranges the places. From the artistic experience of the two sculptors they can be transposed, to the architectonic work of Moneo, those matrices on which they have constructed their original lyric expressions, where the void is absolute protagonist. An ambit is defined thus within which the matrices form them drafts from the work of Oteiza and Chillida can be traced in the definition of the process of birth and construction of the architecture of Moneo, but also in the relation that the architecture establishes with the place and in the time. The void becomes instrument to read the space constructed in its relationships that determine the proportions, rhythms, and relations. In this way the void concurs to interpret the architectonic space and to read the value of it, the quality of the spaces constructing it. This because it’s like an instrument of the composition, whose role is to maintain to the separation between the elements putting in evidence the field of relations. The void is that instrument that serves to characterize the elements that are with in the composition, related between each other, but distinguished. The meaning of the void therefore pushes the interpretation of the architectonic composition on the game of the relations between the elements that, independent and distinguished, strengthen themselves in their identity. On the one hand if void, as measurable reality, concurs all the dimensional changes quantifying the relationships between the parts, on the other hand its dialectic connotation concurs to search the equilibrium that regulated such variations. Equilibrium that therefore does not represent an obtained state applying criteria setting up from arbitrary rules but that depends from the intimate nature of the matter and its embodiment in the form. The production of a form, or a formal system that can be finalized to the construction of a building, is indissolubly tied to the technique that is based on the acquaintance of the formal vocation of the matter, and what it also can representing, meaning, expresses itself in characterizing the site. For Moneo, in fact, the space defined from the architecture is above all a site, because the essence of the site is based on the construction. When Moneo speaks about “birth of the idea of plan” like essential moment in the construction process of the architecture, it refers to a process whose complexity cannot be born other than from a deepened acquaintance of the site that leads to the comprehension of its specificity. Specificity arise from the infinite sum of relations, than for Moneo is the story of the oneness of a site, of its history, of the cultural identity and of the dimensional characters that that they are tied to it beyond that to the physical characteristics of the site. This vision is leaned to a solid made physical structure of perceptions, of distances, guideline and references that then make that the process is first of all acquaintance, appropriation. Appropriation that however does not happen for directed consequence because does not exist a relationship of cause and effect between place and architecture, thus as an univocal and exclusive way does not exist to arrive to a representation of an idea. An approach that, through the construction of the place where the architecture acquires its being, searches an expression of its sense of the truth. The proposal of a distinction for areas like space, matter, spirit and time, answering to the issues that scan the topics of the planning search of Moneo, concurs a more immediate reading of the systems subtended to the composition principles, through which is related the recurrent architectonic elements in its planning dictionary. From the dialectic between the opposites that is expressed in the duality of the form, through the definition of a complex element that can mediate between inside and outside as a real system of exchange, Moneo experiences the form development of the building deepening the relations that the volume establishes in the site. From time to time the invention of a system used to answer to the needs of the program and to resolve the dual character of the construction in an only gesture, involves a deep acquaintance of the professional practice. The technical aspect is the essential support to which the construction of the system is indissolubly tied. What therefore arouses interest is the search of the criteria and the way to construct that can reveal essential aspects of the being of the things. The constructive process demands, in fact, the acquaintance of the formative properties of the matter. Property from which the reflections gush on the relations that can be born around the architecture through the resonance produced from the forms. The void, in fact, through the form is in a position to constructing the site establishing a reciprocity relation. A reciprocity that is determined in the game between empty and full and of the forms between each other, regarding around, but also with regard to the subjective experience. The construction of a background used to amplify what is arranged on it and to clearly show the relations between the parts and at the same time able to tie itself with around opening the space of the vision, is a system that in the architecture of Moneo has one of its more effective applications in the use of the platform used like architectonic element. The spiritual force of this architectonic gesture is in the ability to define a place whose projecting intention is perceived and shared with who experience and has lived like some instrument to contact the cosmic forces, in a delicate process that lead to the equilibrium with them, but in completely physical way. The principles subtended to the construction of the form taken from the study of the void and the relations that it concurs, lead to express human values in the construction of the site. The validity of these principles however is tested from the time. The time is what Moneo considers as filter that every architecture is subordinate to and the survival of architecture, or any of its formal characters, reveals them the validity of the principles that have determined it. It manifests thus, in the tie between the spatial and spiritual dimension, between the material and the worldly dimension, the state of necessity that leads, in the construction of the architecture, to establish a contact with the forces of the universe and the intimate world, through a process that translate that necessity in elaboration of a formal system.

Archeologia e storia del Fayyum durante il Nuovo Regno

La presente ricerca prende in esame le dinamiche archeologiche e storiche della regione egiziana del Fayyum durante il Nuovo Regno (1552 – 1069 a.C.). L’elaborato è suddiviso in quattro parti: la prima analizza tutti i contesti archeologici che hanno restituito materiale databile al Bronzo Tardo, la seconda riguarda, invece, la catalogazione di tutti i documenti iscritti provenienti dalla regione e databili al medesimo periodo. La terza parte rappresenta la sintesi dei dati acquisiti nelle due precedenti sezioni e descrive il divenire storico regionale tra XVIII, XIX e XX dinastia, mentre la quarta parte, un’appendice prosopografica, chiude l’intero studio. I contesti archeologici fayyumici che hanno restituito materiale databile al Bronzo Tardo sono solamente sette: Gurob, el-Lahun, Haraga, Hawara, Medinet Madi, Shedet e Tebtynis. La distribuzione della documentazione tende a concentrarsi, dal punto di vista territoriale nell’area d’ingresso della regione, mentre dal punto di vista cronologico sono molto ben attestate la seconda metà dell’epoca thutmoside, l’età amarniana e la prima parte dell’epoca ramesside. Per quanto la documentazione regionale pertinente al Nuovo Regno sia estremamente rarefatta, soprattutto se paragonata a quella contestualizzabile cronologicamente ad altri periodi storici, un’attenta analisi delle testimonianze porta a collocare il Fayyum in una fitta trama di rapporti politici, economici e militari non solo con il resto del Paese ma anche con altre aree geografiche, esterne all’Egitto.

Reciproche influenze tra geomorfologia e popolamento antico presso le piane di foce dei fiumi tirrenici. Il caso del Fiume Garigliano

La Piana di foce del Garigliano (al confine tra Lazio e Campania) è caratterizzata, fino ad epoche recenti, dalla presenza di aree palustri e umide. Lo studio in corso cerca di ricostruire l’evoluzione dell’ambiente costiero mettendolo in relazione alla presenza dell’uomo, alla gestione del territorio, alle vicende storiche e alle variazioni climatiche utilizzando molteplici metodologie tipiche della geoarcheologia. Si tratta di un approccio multidisciplinare che cerca di mettere insieme analisi tipiche dell’archeologia, della topografia antica, della geomorfologia, della geologia e della paleobotanica. Fino all’età del Ferro l’unica traccia di popolamento viene da Monte d’Argento, uno sperone roccioso isolato lungo la costa, posto al limite occidentale di un ambiente sottostante che sembra una palude chiusa e isolata da apporti sedimentari esterni. Con il passaggio all’età del ferro si verifica un mutamento ambientale con la fine della grande palude e la formazione di una piccola laguna parzialmente comunicante con il mare. L’arrivo dei romani alla fine del III secolo a.C. segna la scomparsa dei grandi centri degli Aurunci e la deduzione di tre colonie (Sessa Aurunca, Sinuessa, Minturno). Le attività di sistemazione territoriale non riguardarono però le aree umide costiere, che non vennero bonificate o utilizzate per scopi agricoli, ma mantennero la loro natura di piccoli laghi costieri. Quest’epoca è dunque caratterizzata da una diffusione capillare di insediamenti, basati su piccole fattorie o installazioni legate allo sfruttamento agricolo. Poche sono le aree archeologiche che hanno restituito materiali successivi al II-III secolo d.C. La città resta comunque abitata fino al VI-VII secolo, quando l’instabilità politica e l’impaludamento dovettero rendere la zona non troppo sicura favorendo uno spostamento verso le zone collinari. Un insediamento medievale è attestato solo a Monte d’Argento e una frequentazione saracena dell’inizio del IX secolo è riportata dalle fonti letterarie, ma non vi è ancora nessuna documentazione archeologica.

L’instrumentum fittile inscriptum della colonia romana di Mutina e del suo territorio

Il presente lavoro è incentrato sulla raccolta e l’analisi dell’instrumentum fittile inscriptum – in particolare laterizi, dolia, lucerne, ceramica fine da mensa, anfore e tappi d’anfora - rinvenuto a Modena e nel suo territorio. L’attenzione è stata concentrata sul materiale bollato e, per quanto riguarda le anfore, anche sullo studio degli esemplari recanti tituli picti. Si è proceduto ad una raccolta di tutto il materiale edito, a cui si è aggiunto lo studio di un’ingente quantità di reperti provenienti da due recenti scavi suburbani: quello presso il Parco Novi Sad, che si segnala soprattutto per la ricchezza del materiale anforico, e quello di Viale Reiter, ove sono venuti alla luce numerosi scarti di cottura di lucerne a canale recanti le firme di alcuni dei più noti produttori di tali oggetti nel mondo romano. A ciascuna categoria di instrumentum è stato dedicato un capitolo, corredato di tabelle in cui è stato raccolto tutto il materiale considerato; inoltre, per i reperti del Parco Novi Sad e di Viale Reiter, è stato realizzato un catalogo corredato di riproduzioni grafiche e fotografiche. Per quanto concerne le iscrizioni dipinte, un capitolo è stato dedicato a quelle presenti sulle anforette adriatiche da pesce; quanto ai tituli picti su anfore di morfologia betica per il trasporto di salse di pesce è stato effettuato un confronto con esemplari rinvenuti in due scavi inediti a Parma, che presentano significative analogie col materiale modenese. Dall’analisi dell’instrumentum inscriptum di Mutina, pur consapevoli dei limiti insiti in una ricerca incentrata unicamente su tale tipo di materiale, è emersa un’immagine della colonia, tra la tarda età repubblicana ed il I sec. d.C., congruente con quella delineata dalle fonti letterarie, dall’epigrafia lapidaria e dai rinvenimenti archeologici, ossia di una città di notevole importanza e ricchezza.

Charakterisierung antiker Keramik und ihrer Herstellungstechniken mit mineralogischen Methoden am Beispiel Mayener Gebrauchskeramik

Mehr als hundert Jahre archäologischer Forschung haben gezeigt, dass in Mayen in römischer und mittelalterlicher Zeit eines der wichtigsten europäischen Produktionszentren für die Herstellung qualitätsvoller Gebrauchskeramik bestand. Im Rahmen dieser Studie wurden vier Befundkomplexe aus Töpfereisiedlungen vom 4. bis in das 14. Jahrhundert untersucht. Genauer handelt es sich um Keramik aus zwei spätantiken Brennanlagen des 4. Jahrhunderts im Bereich der Flur „Auf der Eich“ an den Straßen „Am Sonnenhang“ und „Frankenstraße“. Weiterhin konnte Material aus zwei Töpferofenfüllungen des 5. bis 9. Jahrhunderts analysiert werden, das 1975 auf dem Grundstück 55 an der „Siegfriedstraße“ in Brennanlagen entdeckt wurde. Hinzu kam Brenngut aus elf Töpferöfen des späten 8. bis 14. Jahrhunderts, welches in den so genannten „Burggärten“ der Genovevaburg von Mayen in den Jahren 1986/87 durch die archäologische Denkmalpflege in Koblenz geborgen wurde. Die mineralogischen Untersuchungen zur Charakterisierung der „Mayener Keramik“ wurden systematisch an den Keramikmaterialien aus diesen Fundstellen durchgeführt. Mittelalterliche Keramik aus Bornheim-Walberberg, Brühl-Eckdorf, Höhr-Grenzhausen, Langerwehe, Frechen, Brühl-Pingsdorf, Paffrath, Raeren, Ratingen-Breitscheid, Siegburg-Seehofstraße, Siegburg-Scherbenhügel, Fredelsloh und Brühl-Badorf konnte für diese Arbeit als Referenzmaterialien ebenfalls untersucht werden. Provenienzanalysen wurden an Keramikproben aus 27 Fundorten, die makroskopisch nach Mayener Ware aussehen, mit mineralogischen Methoden durchgeführt, um sie der Fundregion Mayen eindeutig zuordnen zu können.rnPhasenanalyse, chemische Analyse und thermische Analyse wurden an Keramik sowie Ton durchgeführt. Die Phasenanalyse wurde zur Bestimmung der mineralischen Zusammensetzung von Grundmasse und Magerungsmittel (Röntgendiffraktometrie (XRD), Polarisationsmikroskop, Mikro-Raman-Spektroskopie) verwendet. Die chemische Zusammensetzung wurde durch Röntgenfluoreszenzanalyse (RFA) ermittelt. Elektronenstrahlmikroanalyse (ESMA) und Laser-Massenspektrometrie mit induktiv gekoppeltem Plasma (LA-ICP-MS) wurden bei den Proben, bei denen weniger als 2g Material zur Verfügung standen, eingesetzt. Brennexperimente wurden am originalen Rohstoff der Keramik aus den „Burggärten“ der Genovevaburg durchgeführt. Gebrannter Ton wurde durch Röntgendiffraktometrie (XRD), Infrarotspektroskopie (IR) und Differential-Thermoanalyse (DTA) analysiert. rnAnhand der Messergebnisse lässt sich die Mayener Keramik aus den vier Fundplätzen in zwei Typen zusammenzufassen: der mit Feldspat-reichem Sand gemagerte römische Typ und der mit Quarz-reichem Sand gemagerte mittelalterliche Typ. Die Änderung des Magerungsmittels von Feldspat- zu Quarzsand weist eine technische Entwicklung zu höheren Brenntemperaturen von der Römerzeit bis in das Mittelalter nach. Nach der Untersuchung und dem Vergleich mit den Referenzkeramikgruppen ist festzustellen, dass durch multivariate Statistikanalysen der chemischen Komponenten die Charakterisierung der Keramik und eine Differenzierung zwischen den Keramikgruppen gelingt. Diese Erkenntnisse bildeten die Basis für Provenienzanalysen. 16 Fundorte können durch Provenienzanalyse sicher als Exportregionen der Mayener Ware festgestellt werden. Gemäß den Brennexperimenten lassen sich die chemischen Reaktionen während des Brandprozesses nachvollziehen. Zwei Methoden wurden mittels Röntgendiffraktometrie (XRD) und Differential-Thermoanalyse (DTA) zur Bestimmung der Brenntemperaturen der Keramik modelliert. Die Töpferöfen der „Burggärten“ können nach der Brenntemperatur in zwei Typen zusammengefasst werden: solche mit einer Brenntemperatur unter 1050°C und solche mit einer Brenntemperatur über 1050°C.rn

Populationsgenetik kupfer- und bronzezeitlicher Bevölkerungen der osteuropäischen Steppe

Mit der vorliegenden Arbeit wurden erstmals prähistorische Bevölkerungsstrukturen in der osteuropäischen Steppe von der Oberthrakischen Tiefebene bis zur Wolga populationsgenetisch untersucht. Mit Multiplex-PCR und 454-Sequencing wurden von 65 kupfer- und bronzezeitlichen Individuen die Hypervariable Region I und 30 Abschnitte der coding region der mitochondrialen DNA analysiert. Außerdem wurden bis zu 20 putativ selektierte autosomale SNPs und ein geschlechtsspezifischer Locus genotypsiert. Zu Vergleichszwecken wurden veröffentlichte prähistorische DNA-Daten aus Westeurasien und moderne DNA-Sequenzen herangezogen. Die Ergebnisse stützen die Annahme, dass frühneolithische Bauern aus Südosteuropa durch demische Diffusion an der Etablierung der Viehwirtschaft in der Steppe beteiligt waren. Die durchweg niedrigen FST-Werte zwischen der frühbronzezeitlichen Jamnaja-Kultur in der Steppe und den aufeinanderfolgenden neolithischen Kulturen Mitteleuropas sprechen für regelmäßige Kontakte. Die der Jamnaja-Kultur nachfolgende Katakombengrabkultur ist von einem hohen Anteil der in nord- und osteuropäischen Jäger/Sammler-Populationen verbreiteten Haplogruppe U4 geprägt. Niedrige FST-Werte zwischen den prähistorischen Steppenpopulationen und der heutigen Bevölkerung Mittel- und Osteuropas weisen auf genetische Kontinuität hin. Die nukleären Genotypenfrequenzen bestätigt dies. Der moderne europäische Genpool lässt sich nach aktuellem Kenntnisstand auf drei Wurzeln zurückführen: indigene Mesolithiker, frühe Bauern aus dem Nahen Osten und eine nordeurasische Komponente jungpalaeolithischen Ursprungs. Letztere könnte vielleicht über die nordpontische Population in das Erbgut spätneolithischer Europäer gelangt sein.

Tipologia e diffusione delle produzioni ceramiche in Romagna tra XIII e XV secolo

In questo lavoro si è avuta la possibilità di studiare e confrontare i reperti ceramici provenienti da tre recenti scavi condotti nella zona della Romagna dall’Università di Bologna: il monastero di San Severo a Classe (RA), il castello di Rontana (Brisighella-RA) e la pieve di S. Reparata a Terra del Sole (FC). Si tratta di scavi ancora inediti differenti tra loro sia per connotazione distrettuale di appartenenza che per tipologia insediativa La cesura cronologica che si è preso in esame va dal XIII a XV secolo. Il XIII secolo corrisponde a un periodo in cui si assiste ad una riapertura dei trasporti a lunga distanza e si diffonde la tendenza al trasferimento dei saperi tecnici da Oriente verso Occidente, fenomeno che include l’introduzione di nuove tecnologie produttive in campo ceramico come l’ingobbio e la maiolica in diversi centri urbani. Si passa poi attraverso il XIV secolo, momento in cui alcune produzioni, come quella della maiolica, raggiungono la loro massima diffusione, con una diversificazione qualitativa dei prodotti, raggiungendo anche l’ambito rurale, e si assiste alla moltiplicazione dei centri di produzione. Si arriva così al XV secolo periodo in cui iniziano ad affermarsi dei veri e propri centri produttivi “industriali”, rappresentativi anche di una specializzazione regionale dei prodotti di qualità medio-alta. La possibilità di confrontare materiali di siti così differenti tra loro ha dato modo di sottolineare analogie e differenze anche tra città e campagna, in un territorio come quello romagnolo che ancora risente del peso della lunga tradizione antiquaria che ha caratterizzato gli studi fino al secolo scorso.