954 resultados para Polystyrene Sphere
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Mon travail met en évidence la restructuration de l'industrie énergétique russe sous les deux mandats Poutine (2000-2008) via le rôle prédominant de l'État dans une perspective historique. Une nouvelle élite politique russe (les Silovikis) issue des structures de force de l'Etat favorise le nationalisme économique axé sur le rétablissement de l'autorité du gouvernement central au sein de l'industrie énergétique nationale au détriment des pouvoirs régionaux, des sociétés privées étrangères et des oligarques indépendants. Dans cette perspective, on peut citer "l'affaire Youkos" en 2003 caractérisée par l'arrestation de l'oligarque Mikhaïl Khodorkhovsky; les tentatives silovikiennes de reprendre l'ascendant sur les compagnies pétrolières régionales Tatneft et Bachneft gérées par les gouvernements tatar et bachkir, la pression fiscale envers les majors pétrolières étrangères à l'instar du conflit russo- britannique relatif à la joint-venture TNK-BP. Quant à la politique énergétique étrangère russe, elle est inspirée par line vision réaliste mercantile; le gouvernement silovikien vise à défendre l'intérêt national, le prestige et la puissance de la Russie via ses "champions" énergétiques Rosneft et Gazprom utilisés comme levier politique, notamment à l'égard des pays de la CEI considéré par Moscou comme sa sphère d'influence historique. Dans cette perspective, nous pouvons mentionner l'interruption des approvisionnements pétroliers et gaziers russes à l'Ukraine, aux Etats baltes ou encore à la Géorgie; la concurrence entre les majors russes et étrangères en Asie centrale / Caucase pour les champs pétrolifères et les tracés de pipelines (nouveau «Grand Jeu»); la diversification des marchés russes à l'exportation à travers la promotion de nouveaux pipelines partant des champs pétrolifères sibériens vers la Chine et l'océan Pacifique.¦My work highlights the restructuration of the Russian energy industry under the 2 Putin madates (2000-2008) by the predominant role of the state in a historical perspective. A new Russian politic elite (Siloviki) from state structure forces promotes the economic nationalism focused on the reestablishment of the central governmental authority in the national energy industry against regional powers, private foreign companies and independent oligarchs. In this perspective, we can mention the "Yukos Affair" in 2003 with the arrest of the oligarch Mikhail Khodorkhovsky; the silovikian attempts to take over the regional oil companies Tatneft and Bachneft handled by the Tatar and Bashkir governments; the fiscal silovikian pressure against foreign companies such as the Russo-Britannic joint- venture TNK-BP. As for the Russian energy Foreign policy, it is inspired by a mercantile realism vision; the silovikian government aims to defend the national interest, the prestige and the power of Russia through its energy companies Rosneft and Gazprom as a political leverage especially toward the CEI Countries considered by Moscow as it historical sphere of influence. In this perspective, we can mention the interruption of Russian oil&gas supply toward Ukraine, Baltic states or Georgia; the competition between Russian and foreign companies in Central Asia/Caucasus for oil and gas fields and pipeline routes (new "Great Game"); the diversification of Russian export markets through the promotion ο new pipelines from Siberian oil&gas fields to China and the Pacific Ocean.
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This work contributes to an understanding of how the existence of multiple ethnic- cultural belongings in the political community concurs with the maintenance of a socially cohesive and politically united community. Considering the immigration reality in Portugal, we tried to identify the bonds that link immigrants to the political community and how those bonds can be mobilized to integrate immigrants in a common living project inside the national territory. Methodologically, this investigation is based in a qualitative and quantitative analysis of the policies and measures applied in Portugal in the immigration sphere, as well as the results of the empirical work we carried out with two immigration groups (Brazilians and Cape Verdeans) living in Lisbon’s metropolitan area, and the answers to a survey we sent to immigrant associations. The results of this research revealed the existence of a certain political ambivalence concerning the immigrant integration process, which expresses itself to a certain degree in the way national citizens and immigrants appraise the immigrant contribution to Portuguese society. The prevailing and blurred idea states that immigration expenses don’t make up for the benefits, and that is likely to influence the mutual relationship established between the two. Despite the existence of objective situations of social and economic disparity and despite a feeling of discrimination shared between immigrants, it is possible to identify a progressive citizenship universalization and the formal acceptance of immigrant religious and cultural traditions, even though the Portuguese parliament does not reflect such diversity. Thus, we perceive the possibility of warranting specific ethnic and cultural minority rights without the ethnicization or culturalization of political representation, and the general standards that serve as a backbone to the national political community might be enough to warrant that protection. Notwithstanding, some signs suggest that immigrant access to public sphere might not be easy, and this might have repercussions in the visibility and in the public discussion of demands, with outcomes on the type of integration policies Portugal applies.
Resumo:
Portugal’s historical past strongly influences the composition of the country’s immigrant population. The main third-country foreign nationals in Portugal originate traditionally from Portuguese-speaking African countries (namely Cape Verde, Angola, Guinea Bissau, and S. Tomé e Príncipe) and Brazil. In 2001, a newly created immigrant status entitled “permanence” authorization uncovered a quantitative and a qualitative change in the structure of immigrant population in Portugal. First, there was a quantitative jump from 223.602 foreigners in 2001 to 364.203 regularized foreigners in 2003. Secondly, there was a substantial qualitative shift in the composition of immigrants. The majority of the new immigrants began coming from Eastern European countries, such as Ukraine, Moldavia, Romania, and the Russian Federation. Thus, European countries outside the E.U. zone now rank second (after African countries) in their contribution of individuals to the stocks of immigrant population in Portugal. The differences between the new and traditional immigration flows are visible in the geographical distribution of immigrants and in their insertion into the labour market. While the traditional flows would congregate around the metropolitan area of Lisbon and in the Algarve, the new migratory flows tend to be more geographically dispersed and present in less urbanized areas of Portugal. In terms of insertion in the labour market, although the construction sector is still the most important industry for immigrant labour, Eastern European workers may also be found in the agriculture and manufacturing sectors. The institutional conditions that encourage immigrants’ civic participation are divided at three different levels: the state, the local, and the civil society levels. At the state level, the High Commissioner for Migrations and Ethnic Minorities is the main organizational structure along with a set of interrelated initiatives operating under specific regulatory frameworks, which act as mediators between state officials and the Portuguese civil society, and more specifically, immigrant communities. At the local level, some municipalities created consultative councils and municipal departments aiming at encouraging the participation and representation of interests from immigrant groups and association in local policies. In the civil society sphere, the main actors in Portugal spurring immigrants civic participation are immigrant associations, mainstream associations directed toward immigration topics, and unions. The legal conditions framing immigrants’ access to social housing, education, health, and social security in Portugal are also considered to be positive. Conditions restricting immigrants’ civic participation are mainly normative and include the Portuguese nationality law, the regulations shaping the political participation of immigrants, namely in what concerns their right to vote, and employment regulations restricting immigrants’ access to public administration positions. Part II of the report focuses on the active civic participation of third country immigrants. First, reasons for the lack of research on this issue in Portugal are explained. On the one hand, the recent immigration history and the more urgent needs regarding school and economic integration kept this issue out of the research spotlight. On the other hand, it was just in the beginning of the 1990s that immigrants took the very first steps toward collective mobilisation. Secondly, the literature review of Portuguese bibliography covers research on third country immigrants’ associative movement, research on local authorities’ policies and discussion about ethnic politics and political mobilisation of immigrants in Portugal. As political mobilisation of these groups has been made mainly through ethnic and/or migrant organisations, a brief history of immigrants' associative movement is given. Immigrant associations develop multiple roles, covering the social, the cultural, the economic and the political domains. Political claiming for the regularisation of illegal immigrants has been a permanent and important field of intervention since the mid-1990s. Research results reveal the com5 plex relations between ethnic mobilisation and the set of legal and institutional frameworks developed by local and national governmental authorities targeted to the incorporation of minority groups. Case studies on the Oeiras district and on the Amadora district are then presented. Conclusions underline that the most active immigrant groups are those from Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau, since these groups have constituted a higher number of ethnic associations, give priority to political claiming and present a more politicised discourse. Reflecting on the future of research on civic participation of third country immigrants in Portugal, the authors state that it would be interesting and relevant to compare the Portuguese situation with those of other European countries, with an older immigration history, and analyse how the Portuguese immigrants’ associative movement will be affected by a changing legal framework and the emergence of new opportunities within the set of structures regarding the political participation of minority groups.
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Esta investigação insere-se na temática do Empreendedorismo Imigrante e do Comércio Étnico. Trata-se de uma pesquisa que se debruça sobre a imigração para Cabo Verde, com destaque para a análise da imigração chinesa, sobretudo dedicada ao comércio na ilha de São Vicente. O objectivo geral deste trabalho prende-se com a identificação do contributo da comunidade imigrante supracitada no processo de desenvolvimento de São Vicente, através da instalação e da prática de actividades comerciais. Para concretização deste objectivo foi desenvolvido, durante 5 meses, um trabalho de terreno em Cabo Verde (Santiago e São Vicente). O trabalho empírico socorreu-se de entrevistas formais à presidente da Câmara Municipal de São Vicente e a personalidades da Embaixada de China em Cabo Verde , e informais efectuadas aos comerciantes chineses e seus funcionários, bem como aos comerciantes locais. Foram ainda aplicados inquéritos a todos os comerciantes chineses na ilha de São Vicente, processo que permitiu obter a informação necessária para a caracterização da comunidade chinesa e das actividades comerciais por ela aqui desenvolvidas. Os resultados destes questionários foram armazenados numa base de dados informática, com recurso ao SPSS- Statistical Package for Social Sciences, também utilizado como instrumento de tratamento da informação, assim como a folha de cálculo Excel. Dos resultados da nossa investigação, ressalta que o comércio chinês tem dinamizado muito o tecido comercial sãovicentino, contribuindo para a criação de novos postos de trabalho, diversificando as ofertas e estabilizando ou levando mesmo à redução do preço dos produtos, o que vem generalizar as possibilidades de consumo a segmentos da população menos solventes, que até então tinham muita dificuldade em comprar bens como brinquedos ou certos artigos para o lar. De realçar também que, entre o comércio chinês e o comércio local, existe para além da concorrência como é óbvio, uma certa complementaridade. Esta relação recíproca é estabelecida através de aquisição e revenda de produtos diversificados adquiridos aos comerciantes locas, permitindo assim oferecer assim mais produtos e de melhor qualidade aos seus clientes. Todavia, conclui-se que o comércio chinês, com todas as implicações que trás, ainda não constitui um vector central do desenvolvimento da ilha, designadamente se entendermos o desenvolvimento numa perspectiva abrangente e integral, que incorpora dimensões culturais, sociais e ecológicas que ultrapassam a esfera económica. Contudo, pode-se dizer que a presença do comércio chinês na ilha tem sido bastante positiva, uma vez que coloca no mercado uma diversidade de produtos a preços razoavelmente acessíveis, contribuindo para melhorar a qualidade de vida dos São Vicentinos.
Resumo:
O presente trabalho é um contributo para entender em que medida a existência de múltiplas pertenças étnico-culturais na comunidade política é conciliável com a manutenção de uma comunidade socialmente coesa e politicamente unitária. Tendo em conta a realidade imigratória em Portugal, procurou-se saber quais os laços que ligam os imigrantes à comunidade política e em que medida eles podem ser mobilizados para a integração dos imigrantes num projecto comum de vivência em território nacional. Metodologicamente, este trabalho tem por base a análise qualitativa e quantitativa das políticas e medidas adoptados em Portugal em matéria de imigração, bem como, os resultados do trabalho empírico por nós realizado junto de dois grupos de imigrantes (brasileiros e cabo-verdianos) residentes na área metropolitana de Lisboa, assim como os resultados de um questionário enviado às associações de imigrantes. Os resultados da pesquisa apontam para a existência de uma certa ambivalência política no processo de integração dos imigrantes, a qual se reflecte de algum modo na forma como os nacionais e os imigrantes valorizam o contributo dos imigrantes para a sociedade portuguesa, sobressaindo uma ideia difusa generalizada de que os custos da imigração não compensam os seus benefícios, o que provavelmente afectará o relacionamento recíproco. Apesar de situações objectivas de desigualdade social e económica e da percepção de discriminação existente entre os imigrantes, é possível identificar uma progressiva universalização da cidadania e a aceitação formal das tradições religiosas e culturais dos imigrantes, mesmo não sendo o parlamento português representativo dessa diversidade. Deste modo, afigura-se ser possível assegurar direitos específicos de protecção das minorias étnicas e culturais sem que seja necessária a etnicização ou a culturalização da representação política e os princípios gerais que estruturam a comunidade política nacional poderão ser suficientes para assegurar essa protecção. No entanto, existem indícios que sugerem que o acesso dos imigrantes à esfera pública poderá não ser fácil, o que se poderá traduzir na visibilidade e na discussão pública das suas reivindicações, com consequências a nível do tipo de políticas de integração adoptadas em Portugal.
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Many currently used and candidate vaccine adjuvants are particulate in nature, but their mechanism of action is not well understood. Here, we show that particulate adjuvants, including biodegradable poly(lactide-co-glycolide) (PLG) and polystyrene microparticles, dramatically enhance secretion of interleukin-1beta (IL-1beta) by dendritic cells (DCs). The ability of particulates to promote IL-1beta secretion and caspase 1 activation required particle uptake by DCs and NALP3. Uptake of microparticles induced lysosomal damage, whereas particle-mediated enhancement of IL-1beta secretion required phagosomal acidification and the lysosomal cysteine protease cathepsin B, suggesting a role for lysosomal damage in inflammasome activation. Although the presence of a Toll-like receptor (TLR) agonist was required to induce IL-1beta production in vitro, injection of the adjuvants in the absence of TLR agonists induced IL-1beta production at the injection site, indicating that endogenous factors can synergize with particulates to promote inflammasome activation. The enhancement of antigen-specific antibody production by PLG microparticles was independent of NALP3. However, the ability of PLG microparticles to promote antigen-specific IL-6 production by T cells and the recruitment and activation of a population of CD11b(+)Gr1(-) cells required NALP3. Our data demonstrate that uptake of microparticulate adjuvants by DCs activates the NALP3 inflammasome, and this contributes to their enhancing effects on innate and antigen-specific cellular immunity.
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Cet article se propose de prendre pour objet deux assemblées pentecôtistes de l'Est de la France - l'Église Évangélique de Pentecôte de Besançon (Franche-Comté) et la Porte Ouverte Chrétienne de Mulhouse (Alsace) - qui ont fait l'objet d'investigations ethnographiques dans le cadre de notre thèse de doctorat. Après avoir situé ces deux assemblées dans la mouvance du pentecôtisme français, nous nous sommes concentré sur la figure du pasteur pentecôtiste. L'exemplarité de l'histoire de vie des pasteurs, le rôle centrale que jouent ces derniers dans la « mise en présence » du Saint Esprit durant le culte et l'inspiration divine dont sont supposés être imprégnés leurs enseignements bibliques légitiment ce personnage dans sa fonction d'intermédiaire incontournable dans la relation entre le fidèle et son Dieu, alors même que le pentecôtisme s'inscrit historiquement dans la mouvance évangélique qui valorise la relation personnelle du chrétien né de nouveau avec son créateur. This paper considers two Pentecostal assemblies in Eastern France - the Église Évangélique de Pentecôte of Besançon (Franche-Comté) and the Porte Ouverte Chrétienne of Mulhouse (Alsace) - I have investigated for my PhD research, following an ethnographical method. After located these two assemblies in the sphere of influence of the French Pentecostalism, we focused on the Pentecostal pastor figure. The exemplary nature of the story of life of the pastors, the central role that pastors play in encounters with divine during the cult and the divine inspiration of their biblical educations legitimize this figure like inescapable intermediary between the believer and his God. Even if Pentecostalism is historically part of the evangelical sphere of influence which values personal relationships of the born again Christian with his creator.
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BackgroundDespite the intrinsic value of scientific disciplines, such as Economics, it is appropriate to gauge the impact of its applications on social welfare, or at least Health Economics (HE) case- its influence on health policy and management.MethodsThe three relevant features of knowledge (production, diffusion and application) are analyzed, more from an emic perspective the one used in Anthropology relying on the experience of the members of a culture- than from an etic approach seated on material descriptions and dubious statistics.ResultsThe soundness of the principles and results of HE depends on its disciplinary foundations,whereas its relevance than does not imply translation into practice- is more linked with the problems studied. Important contributions from Economics to the health sphere are recorded.HE in Spain ranks seventh in the world despite the relatively minor HE contents of its clinical and health services research journals.HE has in Spain more presence than influence, having failed to impregnate sufficiently thedaily events.ConclusionsHE knowledge required by a politician, a health manager or a clinician is rather limited; the main impact of HE could be to develop their intuition and awareness.
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As a result of the Europeanization of politics and the increasing role of the public sphere, political actors in Western Europe are currently facing a double strategic challenge. Based on data from seven West European countries and the European Union, the authors analyze how state actors, political parties, interest groups, and social movement organizations cope with this double challenge at both the national and the supranational level. Results indicate that the classic repertoire of inside strategies at the national level is still the most typical for all actors, but media-related strategies are also prominent at the national level. The Europeanization of repertoires is mainly determined by institutional factors and by the actors' power, whereas the public arena plays an equally important role for all types of actors, in all countries and at both the national and the EU level.
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El presente proyecto de investigación se presenta como trabajo final del Máster en Estudis Avançats en Comunicació Social y pretende sentar las bases de la futura tesis doctoral. Se plantea una investigación que tiene como objetivo determinar la capacidad que tuvo el uso de las redes digitales de comunicación para modificar la esfera pública durante la primavera árabe en Túnez y el posterior proceso de Transición llevado a cabo. Para ello la investigación se aborda desde tres conceptos clave: el pluralismo mediático, la relevancia mediàtica y los procesos comunicativos. La investigación se abordará triangulando los métodos cuantitativo y cualitativo y se propone como técnica el anàlisis de contenido sobre la nueva legislación tunecina en materia de Políticas de Comunicación, así como del contenido generado por los usuarios en las redes digitales de comunicación y las noticias de medios de referencia online árabes (3) y occidentales (4) en relación con el objeto de estudio.
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Growth of numerous cancer types is believed to be driven by a subpopulation of poorly differentiated cells, often referred to as cancer stem cells (CSCs), that have the capacity for self-renewal, tumor initiation, and generation of nontumorigenic progeny. Despite their potentially key role in tumor establishment and maintenance, the energy requirements of these cells and the mechanisms that regulate their energy production are unknown. Here, we show that the oncofetal insulin-like growth factor 2 mRNA-binding protein 2 (IMP2, IGF2BP2) regulates oxidative phosphorylation (OXPHOS) in primary glioblastoma (GBM) sphere cultures (gliomaspheres), an established in vitro model for CSC expansion. We demonstrate that IMP2 binds several mRNAs that encode mitochondrial respiratory chain complex subunits and that it interacts with complex I (NADH:ubiquinone oxidoreductase) proteins. Depletion of IMP2 in gliomaspheres decreases their oxygen consumption rate and both complex I and complex IV activity that results in impaired clonogenicity in vitro and tumorigenicity in vivo. Importantly, inhibition of OXPHOS but not of glycolysis abolishes GBM cell clonogenicity. Our observations suggest that gliomaspheres depend on OXPHOS for their energy production and survival and that IMP2 expression provides a key mechanism to ensure OXPHOS maintenance by delivering respiratory chain subunit-encoding mRNAs to mitochondria and contributing to complex I and complex IV assembly.
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The educational sphere has an internal function relatively agreed by social scientists. Nonetheless, the contribution that educational systems provide to the society (i.e., their social function) does not have the same degree of consensus. Taking into consideration such theoretical precedent, the current article raises an analytical schema to grasp the social function of education considering a sociological perspective. Starting from the assumption that there is an intrinsic relationship between the internal and social functions of social systems, we suggest there are particular stratification determinants modifying the internal pedagogical function of education, which impact on its social function by creating simultaneous conditions of equity and differentiation. Throughout the paper this social function is considered a paradoxical mechanism. We highlight how this paradoxical dynamic is deployed in different structural levels of the educational sphere. Additionally, we discuss eventual consequences of this paradoxical social function for the inclusion possibilities that educational systems offer to individuals.
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In the past decade, a number of trends have come together in the general sphere of computing that have profoundly affected libraries. The popularisation of the Internet, the appearance of open and interoperable systems, the improvements within graphics and multimedia, and the generalised installation of LANs are some of the events of the period. Taken together, the result has been that libraries have undergone an important functional change, representing the switch from simple information depositories to information disseminators. Integrated library management systems have not remained unaffected by this transformation and those that have not adapted to the new technological surroundings are now referred to as legacy systems. The article describes the characteristics of systems existing in today's market and outlines future trends that, according to various authors, include the disappearance of the integrated library management systems that have traditionally been sold.
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Neuroblastoma (NB) is the most common extracranial malignant tumor in young children and arises at any site of the sympathetic nervous system. The disease exhibits a remarkable phenotypic diversity ranging from spontaneous regression to fatal disease. Poor outcome results from a rapidly progressive, metastatic and drug-resistant disease. Recent studies have suggested that solid tumors may arise from a minor population of cancer stem cells (CSCs) with stem cell markers and typical properties such as self-renewal ability, asymmetric division and drug resistance. In this model, CSCs possess the exclusive ability to initiate and maintain the tumor, and to produce distant metastases. Tumor cell subpopulations with stem-like phenotypes have indeed been identified in several cancer including leukemia, breast, brain and colon cancers. CSC hypothesis still needs to be validated in the other cancers including NB.NB originates from neural crest-derived malignant sympatho-adrenal cells. We have identified rare cells that express markers in conformity with neural crest stem cells and their derived lineages within primary NB tissue and cell lines, leading us to postulate the existence of CSCs in NB tumors.In the absence of specific markers to isolate CSCs, we adapted to NB tumor cells the sphere functional assay, based on the ability of stem cells to grow as spheres in non-adherent conditions. By serial passages of spheres from bone marrow NB metastases, a subset of cells was gradually selected and its specific gene expression profile identified by micro-array time-course analysis. The differentially expressed genes in spheres are enriched in genes implicated in development including CD133, ABC-transporters, WNT and NOTCH genes, identified in others solid cancers as CSCs markers, and other new markers, all referred by us as the Neurosphere Expression Profile (NEP). We confirmed the presence of a cell subpopulation expressing a combination of the NEP markers within a few primary NB samples.The tumorigenic potential of NB spheres was assayed by in vivo tumor growth analyses using orthotopic (adrenal glands) implantations of tumor cells into immune-compromised mice. Tumors derived from the sphere cells were significantly more frequent and were detected earlier compared to whole tumor cells. However, NB cells expressing the neurosphere-associated genes and isolated from the bulk tumors did not recapitulate the CSC-like phenotype in the orthotopic model. In addition, the NB sphere cells lost their higher tumorigenic potential when implanted in a subcutaneous heterotopic in vivo model.These results highlighted the complex behavior of CSC functions and led us to consider the stem-like NB cells as a dynamic and heterogeneous cell population influenced by microenvironment signals.Our approach identified for the first time candidate genes that may be associated with NB self-renewal and tumorigenicity and therefore would establish specific functional targets for more effective therapies in aggressive NB.