808 resultados para Political-Strategic Project
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Since the end of the Cold War, Japan's defense policy and politics has gone through significant changes. Throughout the post cold war period, US-Japan alliance managers, politicians with differing visions and preferences, scholars, think tanks, and the actions of foreign governments have all played significant roles in influencing these changes. Along with these actors, the Japanese prime minister has played an important, if sometimes subtle, role in the realm of defense policy and politics. Japanese prime ministers, though significantly weaker than many heads of state, nevertheless play an important role in policy by empowering different actors (bureaucratic actors, independent commissions, or civil actors), through personal diplomacy, through agenda-setting, and through symbolic acts of state. The power of the prime minister to influence policy processes, however, has frequently varied by prime minister. My dissertation investigates how different political strategies and entrepreneurial insights by the prime minister have influenced defense policy and politics since the end of the Cold War. In addition, it seeks to explain how the quality of political strategy and entrepreneurial insight employed by different prime ministers was important in the success of different approaches to defense. My dissertation employs a comparative case study approach to examine how different prime ministerial strategies have mattered in the realm of Japanese defense policy and politics. Three prime ministers have been chosen: Prime Minister Hashimoto Ryutaro (1996-1998); Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro (2001-2006); and Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio (2009-2010). These prime ministers have been chosen to provide maximum contrast on issues of policy preference, cabinet management, choice of partners, and overall strategy. As my dissertation finds, the quality of political strategy has been an important aspect of Japan's defense transformation. Successful strategies have frequently used the knowledge and accumulated personal networks of bureaucrats, supplemented bureaucratic initiatives with top-down personal diplomacy, and used a revitalized US-Japan strategic relationship as a political resource for a stronger prime ministership. Though alternative approaches, such as those that have looked to displace the influence of bureaucrats and the US in defense policy, have been less successful, this dissertation also finds theoretical evidence that alternatives may exist.
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The National Policy on Mental Health is characterized as a territorial - political community , and it has the Psychoso cial Care Strategy (Eaps) as guideline for the proposal and the development of their actions. In its design, CAPS is idealized to be a strategic equipment within the Psychoso cial Care Network/RAPS. Matricial support and at tention to the crisis constitute strategic areas of action of CAPS in its replacement mission , and as it is g uided by the scope of deinstitutionalization, those are essential to the success of these services. We argue that sustain crises in existential territories of life is a condition for the effectiveness of psychosocial care and, ultimately, to the sustainability of its Reform. In this direction, the matricial support tool reveals a territorial supporter, intercessory and powerful in building a psychosocial care to the crisis. Recognized as one of the major challenges by the Brazilian Ministry of Health, forward these fronts materializes for workers in their mi cropolitical crafts. Our research arises as an investment toward empower them , and aimed to understand the operationalization of attention to the crisis and matricial support in a CAPS II, in the view of its workers . Besides, it aims to examine such practi ces forward the principles and purposes of Psychosocial Care Strategy. Inspired by the research - intervention and by the political and social ideas of Institutiona l Analysis, we offer a space for reflection and exchange, by implicational interviews , enablin g workers to launch them in analysis of practices in the EAPs view. We have done a documentary consulting CAPS Technical Project, and a return stage to the institution, by organizing workshop and conversation groups with CAPS workers. The results have show n that there are institutional logics in competition on that service. When operating the logic risk, some difficulties in sustaining most intense crisis situations were identified, the psychiatric hospital internment is used as a facility, particularly in view of some cases, in which the aggressiveness of the person in crises becomes aggressive, and when the brackets SAMU, the CAPS III and Comprehensive Care Beds do not respond satisfactorily to their users requests. Order weaknesses were indicated in this thesis as macropolitical and micropolitical interfering in network support. The matricial actions were identified as a powerful intercessor resource in crisis care appeared weakened, and indicates little porosity in the relationship between the Service and the territory where it takes place. Noticed by the logic of home care, without operate primarily as a knowledge exchange device, we saw capture points in the logic of assistance with ambulatoriza tion production of CAPS, welfare practices and "ext empore " . T he E APs , although it emerge s as a guiding, it is not seen to workers as effective practice. On the one hand, the results signaled that the attention to the crisis and the matricial actions are developed without tenacious connection with the purposes of EA Ps, on the other hand, successful cases were indicated with the main leads to conducting wire of intersectoral actions to the powerful bonds and to the participation of user in their care process es , indicating insurgent forces tha t intend by traditional lo gic .
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This paper aims to understand the specifics of the network communication and the logic of articulation of social insurgencies in contemporary inferred from the rizome concept coined by Felix Guattari and Gilles Deleuze and the multitude as preach Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. To do so, it raises the processes and practices of political bodies, reaching lines and common strategies of operation. Unless the specifics, it is possible to draw a continuous and rizomatic communication that traverses both bodies enrolled in institutionalized democracy, as the spanish movement-party Podemos and the greek coalition Syriza, as the autonomous collectives, such as the Movimento Passe Livre, fighting for universal public, free and quality transport, and the free media initiatives Media Ninja and Catarina Santos, willing to understand the social movements. The constitutional amendment of this model of communication networking seems to be the desire to radicalization of democracy, the bias of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, as a strategic and common struggle. Indeed, speaking specifically of free media, they are built from here processes that take place in understanding the agency of the bodies as relevant to political action toward the radical democracy project, and the use of free softwares, the communicator-protester agency, the performance, the collective experience.
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This project was funded by the NIHR Health Technology Assessment programme and will be published in full in Health Technology Assessment; Vol. 20, No. 68. See the NIHR Journals Library website for further project information.
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What role do state party organizations play in twenty-first century American politics? What is the nature of the relationship between the state and national party organizations in contemporary elections? These questions frame the three studies presented in this dissertation. More specifically, I examine the organizational development of the state party organizations and the strategic interactions and connections between the state and national party organizations in contemporary elections.
In the first empirical chapter, I argue that the Internet Age represents a significant transitional period for state party organizations. Using data collected from surveys of state party leaders, this chapter reevaluates and updates existing theories of party organizational strength and demonstrates the importance of new indicators of party technological capacity to our understanding of party organizational development in the early twenty-first century. In the second chapter, I ask whether the national parties utilize different strategies in deciding how to allocate resources to state parties through fund transfers and through the 50-state-strategy party-building programs that both the Democratic and Republican National Committees advertised during the 2010 elections. Analyzing data collected from my 2011 state party survey and party-fund-transfer data collected from the Federal Election Commission, I find that the national parties considered a combination of state and national electoral concerns in directing assistance to the state parties through their 50-state strategies, as opposed to the strict battleground-state strategy that explains party fund transfers. In my last chapter, I examine the relationships between platforms issued by Democratic and Republican state and national parties and the strategic considerations that explain why state platforms vary in their degree of similarity to the national platform. I analyze an extensive platform dataset, using cluster analysis and document similarity measures to compare platform content across the 1952 to 2014 period. The analysis shows that, as a group, Democratic and Republican state platforms exhibit greater intra-party homogeneity and inter-party heterogeneity starting in the early 1990s, and state-national platform similarity is higher in states that are key players in presidential elections, among other factors. Together, these three studies demonstrate the significance of the state party organizations and the state-national party partnership in contemporary politics.
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This research project involves a comparative, cross-national study of truth and reconciliation commissions (TRCs) in countries around the world that have used these extra-judicial institutions to pursue justice and promote national reconciliation during periods of democratic transition or following a civil conflict marked by intense violence and severe human rights abuses. An important objective of truth and reconciliation commissions involves instituting measures to address serious human rights abuses that have occurred as a result of discrimination, ethnocentrism and racism. In recent years, rather than solely utilizing traditional methods of conflict resolution and criminal prosecution, transitional governments have established truth and reconciliation commissions as part of efforts to foster psychological, social and political healing.
The primary objective of this research project is to determine why there has been a proliferation of truth and reconciliation commissions around the world in recent decades, and assess whether the perceived effectiveness of these commissions is real and substantial. In this work, using a multi-method approach that involves quantitative and qualitative analysis, I consider the institutional design and structural composition of truth and reconciliation commissions, as well as the roles that these commissions play in the democratic transformation of nations with a history of civil conflict and human rights violations.
In addition to a focus on institutional design of truth and reconciliation commissions, I use a group identity framework that is grounded in social identity theory to examine the historical background and sociopolitical context in which truth commissions have been adopted in countries around the world. This group identity framework serves as an invaluable lens through which questions related to truth and reconciliation commissions and other transitional justice mechanisms can be explored. I also present a unique theoretical framework, the reconciliatory democratization paradigm, that is especially useful for examining the complex interactions between the various political elements that directly affect the processes of democratic consolidation and reconciliation in countries in which truth and reconciliation commissions have been established. Finally, I tackle the question of whether successor regimes that institute truth and reconciliation commissions can effectively address the human rights violations that occurred in the past, and prevent the recurrence of these abuses.
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Frederick Douglas was a reader of and writer on the nineteenth-century political and social texts and contexts of oppression, which he experienced at home and witnesed while in Ireland and Britain, 1845-47. This thesis is unique in its identification of several surprising lacunae in the research and critical evaluation of Frederick Douglass’ activities of reading and writing and the texts and contexts that supported these activities. This thesis takes Douglass’ relationship with Ireland and the Irish as its starting point, and offers several moments in the transnational space engendered by Douglass’ readerly and writerly experience of the transatlantic axes of Ireland, Britain and America. This thesis draws upon archival research to recover information regarding Douglass’ trip and subjects his reading and writing on Ireland and the Irish to the critical rigours of narratolgical, cultural and discourse analysis. One lacuna is Douglass’ favourite and neglected school primer, the Columbian Orator, which Douglass signified upon across his autobiographical project. The speech by the Irish patriot and exile, Arthur O’Connor, included in the Orator, is crucial to Douglass’ understanding and expression of justice and equality. Genette’s narratological analysis gives theoretical traction to the ways in which, in his autobiographical representations of his British trip, Douglass recalibrates his autobiographies to reflect his changing perspectives on his life and work. Contrary to popular assumptions, Douglass did, in two letters to Garrison address and comment on Irish poverty. This thesis interrogates the strategic anglophilia of these letters. While the World’s Temperance Convention (WTC) refused to discuss African- American slavery, analysis of Douglass’ speech in Covent Garden and of the paratextual apparatus of the published proceedings of the WTC demonstrates the impossibility of separating these closely interrelated reform causes. When a newly discovered poem from Waterford that admonished the city for its disregard for Douglass’ message is juxtaposed with an uncomfortable moment in Cork, we understand that Douglass became a pawn to bolster sectarian rivalries between nationalist and establishment factions. Though Douglass believed imperial politics was the best vehicle for modernity, he recognised that it had failed Ireland: consequently, in Thoughts and Recollections of a Trip to Ireland (1886), he advocates for Home Rule for Ireland.
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This dissertation offers a critical international political economy (IPE) analysis of the ways in which consumer information has been governed throughout the formal history of consumer finance (1840 – present). Drawing primarily on the United States, this project problematizes the notion of consumer financial big data as a ‘new era’ by tracing its roots historically from late nineteenth century through to the present. Using a qualitative case study approach, this project applies a unique theoretical framework to three instances of governance in consumer credit big data. Throughout, the historically specific means used to govern consumer credit data are rooted in dominant ideas, institutions and material factors.
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A turn towards documentary modes of practice amongst contemporary fine art video and filmmakers towards the end of the 20th Century, led to moving image works that represent current social realities. This drew some comparisons of these forms of art to journalism and industrial documentary. The practical research is embodied in a single screen film that responds to recent political and ecological realities in Spain. These include the mass demonstrations that led to the occupation of Madrid’s Plaza del Sol and Spain’s in 2011 and largest recorded forest fires that spread through Andalusia in August of the following year. The film, titled Spanish Labyrinth, South from Granada, is a response to these events and also relates to political avant-garde film of the 1930’s by re-tracing a journey undertaken by three revolutionary filmmakers, Yves Allegret, René Naville and Eli Lotar, in 1931. The theoretical research for this project establishes an historical root of artists’ film that responds to current social realities, in contrast to news media, in the Soviet and European avant-garde movements of the 1920s and 1930s. The main aim of this method is to argue the status of the works that I identify, both avant-garde and contemporary, as a form of art that preceded a Griersonian definition of documentary film.
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The concept of ontological security has a remarkable echo in the current sociology to describe emotional status of men of late modernity. However, the concept created by Giddens in the eighties has been little used in empirical research covering various sources of risk or uncertainty. In this paper, a scale for ontological security is proposed. To do this, we start from the results of a research focused on the relationship between risk, uncertainty and vulnerability in the context of the economic crisis in Spain. These results were produced through nine focus groups and a telephone survey with standardized questionnaire applied to a national sample of 2,408 individuals over 18 years. This work is divided into three main sections. In the fi rst, a scale has been built from the results of the application of different items present in the questionnaire used. The second part explores the relationships of the scale obtained with the variables further approximate the emotional dimensions of individuals. The third part observes the variables that contribute to changes in the scale: These variables show the structural feature of the ontological security.
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Today a number of studies are published on how organizational strategy is developed and how organizations contribute to local and regional development through the realization of these strategies. There are also many articles dealing with the success of a project by identifying the criteria and the factors that influence them. This article introduces the project-oriented strategic planning process that reveals how projects contribute to local and regional development and demonstrates the relationship between this approach and the regional competitiveness model as well as the KRAFT concept. There is a lot of research that focuses on sustainability in business. These studies argue that sustainability is very important to the success of a business in the future. The Project Excellence Model that analyses project success does not contain the sustainability criteria; the GPM P5 standard consists of sustainability components related either to the organizational level. To fill this gap a Project Sustainability Excellence Model (PSEM) was developed. The model was tested by interviews with managers of Hungarian for-profit and non-profit organizations. This paper introduces the PSEM and highlights the most important elements of the empirical analysis.
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Objetivo. Este estudo reflete sobre o impacto das políticas neoliberais e a austeridade na vida das famílias e das suas crianças, no sistema de promoção e proteção de crianças e jovens em perigo e na prática profissional dos assistentes sociais que nele trabalham na defesa dos direitos devidos a essas crianças. Partiu-se da análise do enfraquecimento do estado social, para se perceber o desmonte das políticas públicas e as suas implicações na carreira profissional e nas condições de trabalho do assistente social. Assiste-se à transição de responsabilidades da esfera pública para a sociedade civil, no caso específico das políticas de proteção à infância. Participantes. Existindo necessidade de constituir uma amostra para a realização do estudo, optámos por uma amostra não-probabilística de informadores estratégicos. O critério de inclusão foi ser assistente social a desempenhar funções na CPCJ do distrito de Leiria. Com este critério responderam ao questionário 10 Assistentes Sociais, num total de 16 solicitações às CPCJ do distrito de Leiria. A recolha de informação através da aplicação dos inquéritos decorreu entre o mês de maio e junho de 2015. Material e métodos. A recolha de dados, para poder responder à questão em análise, foi feita com a aplicação de um inquérito por questionário online, com perguntas fechadas e abertas. Resultados. O Neoliberalismo atinge a prática profissional do assistente social, pela redução de recursos para o estudo diagnóstico das crianças e suas famílias e pela redução de técnicos superiores especializados na intervenção. Os Direitos das Crianças no sistema de promoção e proteção não se encontram devidamente asseverados, na medida em que estas comungam do sucessivo empobrecimento das suas famílias, sendo privadas da satisfação das necessidades básicas para o seu saudável desenvolvimento. Implicações. Os resultados deste estudo compelem a uma clara necessidade de lhe dar continuidade de âmbito nacional, para entender e melhorar as expressões do trabalho do assistente social desenvolvido com as crianças e suas famílias, no sistema de promoção e proteção. É necessário construir e consolidar uma manifestação de espírito crítico na classe profissional, no sentido de pugnar pelo projeto ético – político, bem como atribuir ao Serviço Social o estatuto de disciplina especializada. Nesta qualidade, a profissão deve participar na análise e na discussão das políticas para a infância, para assim colocar as necessidades das crianças, no centro das obrigações públicas. / Objective: This study concerns the impact of the neoliberal and austerity policies in the life of the families and their children, in the protection system of children and young people at risk and in the professional practice of the social workers, who work to defend the rights owed to those children. It started with the analysis of the weaknesses of the social state to understand the deconstruction of the public policies and the implications in the professional career and working conditions of the social worker. It can be noticed that there is a transition of responsibilities from the public sphere to the civil society in the specific case of the childhood protection policies. Participants: Due to the need to build a sample to perform the study, we chose a nonprobabilistic sample of strategic informers. The inclusion criterion was being a social worker performing duties in the CPCJs in the District of Leiria. 10 social workers answered the questionnaire with this criterion, out of a total of 16 requests to the CPCJs of the District of Leiria. The gathering of the information through the use of the questionnaires was done between the months of May and June 2015. Material and Methods: The gathering of data, to be able to answer the question under analysis, was done through the use of online questionnaires, with both open and closed questions. Results: The Neoliberalism affects the professional practice of the social worker, by reducing the resources, in the diagnostic study of the children and their families, by reducing specialized superior technicians in the intervention. The rights of the children in the protection system are not properly secure as they are affected by the continuous impoverishment of their families, being deprived of satisfying their basic needs, which are essential to their healthy development. Implications: The results of this study indicate a clear necessity to give it some continuity at a national level, to understand and improve the expressions of the social worker’s job being developed with the children and their families, in the promotion and protection system. It is necessary to build and consolidate some form of critical mind in the professional class, as to fight for the ethical-political project, as well as to give to the social service the statute of specialized discipline. Therefore, the profession should participate in the analysis and discussion of the policies concerning the childhood, being then able to place the needs of the children, in the centre of the public obligations.
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This project supported the planning and conduct of a two-day Iowa Department of Transportation–hosted peer exchange for state agencies that have implemented some or all of the suggested strategies outlined in the Second Strategic Highway Research Program–sponsored project R10, Project Management Strategies for Complex Projects. Presentations were made by participating states, and several opportunities were provided for directed discussion. General themes emerging from the presentations and discussions were identified as follows: To implement improvements in project management processes, agency leadership needs to decide that a new approach to project management is worth pursuing and then dedicate resources to developing a project management plan. The change to formalized project management and five-dimensional project management (5DPM) requires a culture shift in agencies from segmented “silo” processes to collaborative, cooperative processes that make communication and collaboration high priorities. Agencies need trained project managers who are empowered to execute the project management plan, as well as properly trained functional staff. Project management can be centralized or decentralized with equal effect. After an agency’s project management plan and structure are developed, software tools and other resources should be implemented to support the plan and structure. All projects will benefit from enhanced project management, but the project management plan should specify appropriate approaches for several project levels as defined by factors in addition to dollar value. Project management should be included in an agency’s project development manual.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08
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The evaluation of public policies that promote Food Security and Nutrition (FSN) it s a multidisciplinary activity extremely relevant to the effectiveness of actions to legitimize the Human Right to Adequate Food (HRAF). This study aimed at assessing the effectiveness of the unit project Natal-RN Café do Trabalhador in promoting SAN to its users. The theoretical framework is based on the public and political and on the dimensions of the concept of FSN (quantity and quality-regularity). Through a qualitative approach, methodologically this was the work of an evaluation of efficiency of the unit Natal-RN of Café do Trabalhador project in light of the assumptions of the concept of SAN. Data collection was conducted through retrospective archival research in official documents of the project, semi-structured interviews with managers involved in its implementation (representative of the Secretary of State for Employment, Housing and Care of RN SETHAS and third party), socioeconomic questionnaire applied to the users of the unit, check the amount, regularity and quality of meals offered for 15 days (menu routine) using the descriptive form menu and form filling type checklist for verification of compliance with good practices . Methods of analysis, we used content analysis, descriptive statistics and compared to previously established parameters for the project. As categories of analysis were defined organizational arrangement, access, user, food quantity-regularity and food quality. The results show that, it was found in the category arrangement that will implement the project dismissed technical criteria for choosing the districts and the quantitative distribution of meals for each location. It was found that the valuation of the shares of the company outsources technical SETHA has not been performed. We observed in the access category, the unit has a strategic location, but lack of space in the refectory. The main obstacle to economic access for users is the lack of a register for the beneficiaries. In the category of users, it was identified that the clientele of the project it is predominantly men, with more than 51 years, low education, earning wages less 1 obtained through informal employment, which they move up through the unit transport collective, go to all days of operation due primarily to price. About the meals category quantity-regularity of food showed that the menu serves 95% of the desired needs, and that holidays and weekends are periods of disrupting the regularity of supply of meals. Regarding the category of food quality, it was found that the nutritional aspect on the menu are food sources rich in sodium, nitrates and low in fiber. In the aspect of hygiene and sanitation are the main limitations related to waste management, lack of exposure controls of food prepared and inadequacies of the physical structure. The results showed that in general and the institutional arrangement of the organs attached to the project should establish a systematic evaluation project is to establish as a promoter of and FSN overcome these obstacles