996 resultados para Political posters, French.


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This paper analyzes the effect of the 1998 reform of the French single parents allowanceon the labor supply of single mothers with very young children. The reform aimed atencouraging participation by allowing eligible single parents to accumulate benefits andlabor earnings for a limited period of time. Using data from the French EmploymentSurvey, the analysis shows that single mothers affected by the reform had experienced asignificant increase in their employment rate four years after the reform wasimplemented. During the same period, the employment rate of married mothers withyoung children did not experience a significant change, suggesting that at least part ofthe increase was a consequence of the reform. These results provide some evidence thatbenefit schedules that provide financial incentives to work can have significant effectsin getting single moms back to work, even in the presence of very young children.

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We study elections in which one party (the strong party) controls a source of political unrest; e.g., this party could instigate riots if it lost the election. We show that the strong party is more likely to win the election when there is less information about its ability to cause unrest. This is because when theweak party is better informed, it can more reliably prevent political unrest by implementing a ``centrist'' policy. When there is uncertainty over the credibility of the threat, ``posturing'' by the strong party leads to platform divergence.

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AIM: The specific natural history of superficial soft tissue sarcomas (S-STS) has been rarely considered. We describe the clinical characteristics of a large series of S-STS (N=367) from the French Sarcoma Group (GSF-GETO) database and analyse the prognostic factors affecting outcome. METHODS: We performed univariate and multivariate analyses for overall survival (OS), metastasis-free survival (MFS) and local recurrence-free survival (LRFS). RESULTS: The median age was 59 years. Fifty-eight percent patients were female. Tumour locations were as follows: extremities, 55%; trunk wall, 35.4%; head and neck, 8% and unknown, 1.6%. Median tumour size was 3.0 cm. The most frequent tumour types were unclassified sarcoma (24.3%) and leiomyosarcoma (22.3%). Thirty-three percent of cases were grade 3. Median follow-up was 6.18 years. The 5-year OS, MFS and LRFS rates were 80.9%, 80.7% and 74.7%, respectively. Multivariate analysis retained histological type and wide resection for predicting LRFS and histological type and grade as prognostic factors of MFS. The factors influencing OS were age, histological type, grade and wide resection. STS with early invasion into but not through the underlying fascia had a significantly poorer MFS than with strict S-STS. CONCLUSION: S-STS represent a separate category characterised by a better outcome. Adequate surgery, i.e. wide resection, is essential in the management of S-STS.

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Background and Aims: The NS5A protein of the HCV is known tobe involved in viral replication and assembly and probably in theresistance to Interferon based-therapy. Previous studies identifiedinsertions or deletions from 1 to 12 nucleotides in several genomicregions. In a multicenter study (17 French and 1 Swiss laboratoriesof virology), we identified for the first time a 31 amino acidsinsertion leading to a duplication of the V3 domain in the NS5Aregion with a high prevalence. Quasispecies of each strain withduplication were characterized and the inserted V3 domain wasidentified.Methods: Between 2006 and 2008, 1067 patients chronicallyinfected with a 1b HCV were consecutively included in the study.We first amplified the V3 region by RT-PCR to detect duplication(919 samples successfully amplified). The entire NS5A region wasthen amplified, cloned and sequenced in strains bearing theduplication. V3 sequences (called R1 and R2) from each clonewere analyzed with BioEdit and compared to a V3 consensussequence (C) built from the Database Los Alamos Hepatitis C.Entropy was determined at each position.Results: V3 duplications were identified in 25 patients representinga prevalence of 2.72%. We sequenced 2043 clones from which776 had a complete coding NS5A sequence (corresponding toa mean of 30 clones per patient). At the intra-individual level,6 to 17 variants were identified per V3 region, with a maximum of3 different amino acids. At the inter-individual level, a differenceof 7 and 2 amino acids was observed between C and R1 and R2sequences, respectively. Moreover few positions presented entropyhigher than 1 (4 for the R1, 2 for the R2 and 2 for the C). Among allthe sequenced clones, more than 60% were defective virus (partialfragment of NS5A or stop codon).Conclusions: We identified a duplication of the V3 domain ingenotype 1b HCV with a high prevalence. The R2 domain, which wasthe most similar to the C region, might probably be the "original"domain, whereas R1 should be the inserted domain. Phylogeneticanalyses are under process to confirm this hypothesis.

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En 1979 Y. Lacoste a publié dans la revue "Hérodote" un article surprenant intitulé "A bas Vidal ... Viva Vidal" qui exhumait la dernière œuvre de Vidal de la Blache: La france de I'Est (Loraine-Alsace) (1917). Dans cet article, Lacoste faisait l'éloge de certains aspects économiques, sociaux et surtout géopolitiques, non traités dans le traditionnel modèle vidalien. Nous tenterons d'approfondir dans cet essai l'une des questions qu'a induite l'article de Lacoste, a savoir la place qu'occupe la Géographie Politique dans l'école vidalienne. Les différents travaux et actions des disciples de Vidal ont fait preuve d’un grand intérêt pour la Géographie Politique en abandonnant provisoirement le schéma descriptif prope à la géographie régionale française. À la fin de la première guerre mondiale, le problème frontalier de l'Alsace-Loraine devient l'axe central de La France de I'Est; On a fait ressortir les éléments géopolitiques de cette œuvre a fin de démontrer que l'aspect géopolitique de l'école vidalienne est méconnu

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Quelles sont les conditions pour l'émergence d'une mobilisation sociale en faveur du logement convenable dans la métropole de Bangalore (Inde)? Cette question, qui est au coeur de cette thèse, est particulièrement pertinente dans le contexte d'une ville où 1,7 million de personnes, soit un cinquième de la population, vit dans des bidonvilles. L'absence d'un mouvement mettant en cause l'échec des politiques publiques du logement est intéressante dans la mesure où l'Inde a hérité un système de gouvernance colonial et d'une tradition de mouvements sociaux. Pour répondre à ce questionnement, un cadre théorique issu de la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux est développé. Il s'articule autour des liens entre les opportunités politiques au niveau macro et les répertoires d'action des organisations de mouvement social (OMS) au niveau méso, de la tension entre la formalité de la loi et des politiques publiques et l'informalité des circuits d'échange, de la corruption et du clientélisme, et enfin, se focalise sur les systèmes de discours de caste et de la citoyenneté et de leur concrétisation dans des systèmes d'organisations et de réseaux sociaux. Ce cadre théorique permet d'étudier empiriquement la question à travers quatre OMS dans la ville de Bangalore. Les résultats mettent en avant l'existence de mécanismes complexes. Les opportunités politiques formelles n'étant ouvertes que sur le plan rhétorique, elles ne peuvent être véritablement utilisées que par des moyens légaux ou contentieux, ce qui nécessite des compétences sociales dont la plupart des habitants des bidonvilles sont dépourvus. L'inadéquation entre les ressources à disposition pour les logements sociaux et les besoins très importants des pauvres, donne un poids politique considérable aux acteurs en charge de l'attribution de ces ressources rares. Cet état de fait a des répercussions sur la politique électorale. Les habitants des bidonvilles représentant un poids électoral important, ils sont mobilisés à travers de pratiques clientélistes. La corruption et le clientélisme se nourrissent mutuellement pour maintenir une certaine dépendance des habitants. Les OMS qui développent un répertoire discursif remettant en cause le système de caste et qui encouragent une conscience citoyenne, se sont avérées les plus durables pour résister à la cooptation des forces politiques. Cette recherche empirique met en lumière l'inadéquation entre les prescriptions formelles dans le domaine de la gouvernance des besoins humains, tels que le logement, et les pratiques réelles sur le terrain. Cette recherche appelle à réfléchir au-delà de la diffusion du discours sur la « bonne gouvernance » vers des formes de « gouvernance vernaculaire » qui prendrait au sérieux l'informalité en développant une compréhension des avantages à court terme pour les personnes marginalisées dans la ville et les effets à long terme sur la pratique démocratique. - What are the conditions for the emergence of a social movement on the issue of adequate housing in the metropolitan city of Bangalore (India)? This question is at the heart of this dissertation and is particularly pertinent against the background that an estimated 1.7 million or about 20% of the city's population lives in slums. The absence of a movement addressing the failure of public housing policy despite India having inherited colonial systems of governance and traditions of movement is noteworthy. Answers are sought within a theoretical framework stemming from social movement theories that incorporates three linkages articulating around: Macro-level political opportunities and meso-level action repertoires of social movement organisations (SMOs), tensions between the formality of law, policy and the informality of exchange circuits of corruption and clientelism and finally around systems of discourses of caste and citizenship and their instantiation in concrete systems of social organisations and networks. This thesis is empirically investigated through a qualitative case study research design involving four sampled social movement organisations. The results bring complex mechanisms to the fore. Formal political opportunities are only rhetorically open and have to be cracked through legal weaponry or contentious escalation, which requires considerable social skills that slum-dwellers often lack. The inadequacy between the few housing resources and the vast number of slum-dwellers transform housing benefits and urban service provisions into political currency. Such a state of affairs has serious repercussions on conditions for mobilisation. They become imbricated with electoral logic, in which slum-dwellers represent large vote-banks and where corruption and clientelism feed each other to maintain a certain dependency of the poor. SMOs deploying a discursive repertoire that questioned the caste system and encouraged a pursuit of citizenship proved to be the most sustainable to resist co-option from political forces. This empirical investigation brings to light the mismatch between the formal prescriptions in the domain of the governance of basic human needs such as housing and the real practices on the ground. This research calls to reflect beyond the inadequacy of the diffused « good governance » discourse towards forms of « vernacular governance » that take informality seriously in understanding the short-term benefits for the marginalised in the city and the long-term effects on democratic practice.

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According to most political scientists and commentators, direct democracy seems to weaken political parties. Our empirical analysis in the 26 Swiss cantons shows that this thesis in its general form cannot be maintained. Political parties in cantons with extensive use of referendums and initiatives are not in all respects weaker than parties in cantons with little use of direct democratic means of participation. On the contrary, direct democracy goes together with more professional and formalized party organizations. Use of direct democracy is associated with more fragmented and volatile party systems, and with greater support for small parties, but causal interpretations of these relationships are difficult.

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BACKGROUND: Soft tissue sarcomas of the trunk wall (STS-TW) are usually studied together with soft tissue sarcomas of other locations. We report a study on STS-TW forming part of the French Sarcoma Group database. PATIENTS AND METHODS: Three hundred and forty-three adults were included. We carried out univariate and multivariate analysis for overall survival (OS), metastasis-free survival (MFS) and local recurrence-free survival (LRFS). RESULTS: Tumor locations were as follows: thoracic wall, 82.5%; abdominal wall, 12.3% and pelvic wall, 5.2%. Median tumor size was 6.0 cm. The most frequent tumor types were unclassified sarcoma (27.7%) and myogenic sarcoma (19.2%). A total of 44.6% of cases were grade 3. In all, 21.9% of patients had a previous medical history of radiotherapy (PHR). Median follow-up was 7.6 years. The 5-year OS, MFS and LRFS rates were 60.4%, 68.9% and 58.4%, respectively. Multivariate analysis retained PHR and grade for predicting LRFS and PHR, size and grade as prognostic factors of MFS. Factors influencing OS were age, size, PHR, depth, grade and surgical margins. The predictive factors of incomplete response were PHR, size and T3. CONCLUSIONS: Our results suggest similar classical prognostic factors as compared with sarcomas of other locations. However, a separate analysis of STS-TW revealed a significant poor prognosis subgroup of patients with PHR.