Vertical toleration as a liberal ideal

This paper argues that the direct, vertical toleration of certain types of citizen by the Rawlsian liberal state is appropriate and required in circumstances in which these types of citizen pose a threat to the stability of the state. By countering the claim that vertical toleration is redundant given a commitment to the Rawlsian version of the liberal democratic ideal, and by articulating a version of that ideal that shows this claim to be false, the paper reaffirms the centrality of vertical toleration in the Rawlsian liberal account of state-citizen relations.

Beyond the "liberal peace"

The article critically reviews the contributions to the understanding of contemporary peacebuilding practices of several recent contributions to the peacebuilding literature, including the 2011 World Development Report. It examines some of the conceptual problems with recent criticisms of the "liberal peace", and proposes that the concept of "liberal peace" should be abandonned as it lacks any analytical purchase.

Color adjectives and radical contextualism

Radical contextualists have observed that the content of what is said by the utterance of a sentence is shaped in far-reaching ways by the context of utterance. And they have argued that the ways in which the content of what is said is shaped by context cannot be explained by semantic theory. A striking number of the examples that radical contextualists use to support their view involve sentences containing color adjectives (“red”, “green”, etc.). In this paper, I show how the most sophisticated analysis of color adjectives within the explanatory framework of compositional truth conditional semantics—recently developed by Kennedy and McNally (Synthese 174(1):79–98 2010)—needs to be modified to handle the full range of contextual variation displayed by color adjectives.

The paradox of nationalism: the common denominator of radical right and radical left euroscepticism

What can explain the strong euroscepticism of radical parties of both the right and the left? This article argues that the answer lies in the paradoxical role of nationalism as a central element in both party families, motivating opposition towards European integration. Conventionally, the link between nationalism and euroscepticism is understood solely as a prerogative of radical right-wing parties, whereas radical left-wing euroscepticism is associated with opposition to the neoliberal character of the European Union.This article contests this view. It argues that nationalism cuts across party lines and constitutes the common denominator of both radical right-wing and radical left-wing euroscepticism. It adopts a mixed-methods approach, combining intensive case study analysis with quantitative analysis of party manifestos. First, it traces the link between nationalism and euroscepticism in Greece and France in order to demonstrate the internal validity of the argument. It then undertakes a cross-country statistical estimation to assess the external validity of the argument and its generalisability across Europe.

Radical Conservatism

In 1938, Yugoslav sculptor Oscar Nemon arrived in Britain, having fled the Nazi invasion of Brussels, where he was living with Magritte. He was part of the European avant-garde that came to the UK as a refugee. Shortly thereafter, Nemon proposed a bold architectural plan to construct a temple of universal ethics in London and was in correspondence over this with central figures in Britain. After the war, he became know for his portrayal of figures like Churchil, culminating in a bust of Margaret Thatcher that is currently at the Tory HQ. Shown at Castlefield Gallery in 2013-2014, Radical Conservatism was an exhibition that explored the space between these two moments and asked whether these two terms are really antithetical. In the British context in particular, where the European avant-garde never really took hold, a kind of reactionary modernism has always defined a culture wary of revolution. But today more than ever, with the left increasingly holding on to the past of the welfare state as an ideal, and the right quietly revolutionising our world through neoliberal reforms, the paradigms of radicalism and conservatism need to be redefined. Can conservatism be seen as a radical position in itself? If art is defined by a movement towards the new - could 'holding on to the past' stubbornly be seen as a critical position, now that neo-liberalism has forced a far more radical shift in politics than the left has managed in a long time? Curated by Pil and Galia Kollectiv, featuring work by Chris Evans, IRWIN, Pil and Galia Kollectiv, Joseph Lewis, Patrick Moran, Oscar Nemon and Public Movement and a symposium with contributions from Professor Alun Rowlands and Robert Garnett.

The kinetics of the gas-phase reactions of selected monoterpenes and cyclo-alkenes with ozone and the NO3 radical

The relative rate method has been used to measure the room-temperature rate constants for the gasphase reactions of ozone and NO3 with selected monoterpenes and cyclo-alkenes with structural similarities to monoterpenes. Measurements were carried out at 298 ! 2 K and 760 ! 10 Torr. The following rate constants (in units of 10"18 cm3 molecule"1 s"1) were obtained for the reaction with ozone: methyl cyclohexene (132 ! 17), terpinolene (1290 ! 360), ethylidene cyclohexane (223 ! 57), norbornene (860 ! 240), t-butyl isopropylidene cyclohexane (1500 ! 460), cyclopentene (543 ! 94), cyclohexene (81 ! 18), cyclooctene (451 ! 66), dicyclopentadiene (1460 ! 170) and a-pinene (107 ! 13). For the reaction with NO3 the rate constants obtained (in units of 10"12 cm3 molecule"1 s"1) were: methyl cyclohexene (7.92 ! 0.95), terpinolene (47.9 ! 4.0), ethylidene cyclohexane (4.30 ! 0.24), norbornene (0.266 ! 0.029), cyclohexene (0.540 ! 0.017), cyclooctene (0.513 ! 0.029), dicyclopentadiene (1.20 ! 0.10) and a-pinene (5.17 ! 0.62). Errors are quoted as the root mean square of the statistical error (95% con!dence) and the quoted error in the rate constant for the reference compound. Combining these results with previous studies, new recommendations for the rate constants are presented. Molecular orbital energies were calculated for each alkene and the kinetic data are discussed in terms of the deviation from the structureeactivity relationship obtained from the rate constants for a series of simple alkenes. Lifetimes with respect to key initiators of atmospheric oxidation have been calculated suggesting that the studied reactions play dominant roles in the night-time removal of these compounds from the atmosphere.

The Liberal Way of War? French representations of the Allies, 1944-2008

This chapter looks at the ways in which Anglo-American participants in the Liberation of France have been represented in French narratives in the decades since the Second World War, through the developing French historiography of Allied participation in the War, and through the various roles assigned to the Allies in key postwar memorialisation ceremonies in France.

What should we expect of a liberal explanatory theory?

One of the most problematic aspects of the ‘Harvard School’ of liberal international theory is its failure to fulfil its own methodological ideals. Although Harvard School liberals subscribe to a nomothetic model of explanation, in practice they employ their theories as heuristic resources. Given this practice, we should expect them neither to develop candidate causal generalizations nor to be value-neutral: their explanatory insights are underpinned by value-laden choices about which questions to address and what concepts to employ. A key question for liberal theorists, therefore, is how a theory may be simultaneously explanatory and value-oriented. The difficulties inherent in resolving this problem are manifested in Ikenberry’s writing: whilst his work on constitutionalism in international politics partially fulfils the requirements of a more satisfactory liberal explanatory theory, his recent attempts to develop prescriptions for US foreign policy reproduce, in a new form, key failings of Harvard School realism.

Radical cations of end-capped tetrathienoacenes and their p-dimerization controlled by the nature of a-substituents and counterion concentration

Radical cations of a soluble rigid tetrathienoacene are capable of forming stable p-dimer dications at ambient temperature when the short backbone becomes extended with conjugated thiophene-2-yl substituents in the a-positions. On the other hand, simple attachment of methyl groups on the a-carbon of the external thiophen-2-yl rings proved sufficient to inhibit the dimerization. Stable radical cationswere also exclusively formed for tetrathienoacene derivatives end-capped with bulky TIPS and phenyl substituents.

Chronic limitations of neo-liberal capitalism and oligopolistic markets: an urgent case for socialized capital

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to highlight the serious limitations of neo-liberal capitalism and urge for a shift to socialized capital before further economic deterioration leads to a succession of global conflicts. Design/methodology/approach – This conceptual paper adopts a macro perspective in presenting argument on how global, financial markets integration and capital flow liberalization have led to inadequate market and corporate governance measures. The argument is couched in a selected literature and is preceded by a proposed solution – the requirement for socialized capital. An analysis of the nature of socialized capital is outlined and the questions that require attention identified if a paradigm shift from neo-liberal capitalism is to take place. Findings – The need to urgently shift to a new philosophy of capitalism is overwhelming. Emphasized is that capital needs to adopt a socialised identity and is supported by investment horizons of 30 years or more. It is argued that non-market (e.g. state, NGOs, civil society) intervention is critical in setting appropriate frameworks within which socialized capital can operate. Research limitations/implications – This is a theoretical paper, in which questions are raised which require transparent, public debate. Originality/value – The paper presents the case for a fundamental reconsideration of present day markets, the role of capital and the influence of elites in determining the public good.

Selective P4 activation by an organometallic nickel(I) radical: formation of a dinuclear nickel(II) tetraphosphide and related di- and trichalcogenides

The reaction of the 17e nickel(I) radical [CpNi(IDipp)] (1, IDipp = 1,3-bis(2,6-diisopropylphenyl)imidazolin-2-ylidene) with P4 results in a nickel tetraphosphide [{CpNi(IDipp)}2(μ-η1:η1-P4)] with a butterfly-P42− ligand; related chalcogenides [{CpNi(IDipp)}2(μ-E2)] (E = S, Se, Te) and [{CpNi(IDipp)}2(μ-E3)] (E = S, Se) are formed with S8, Se∞ and Te∞.