729 resultados para Nodal governance
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The role of maritime transportation within international trade was drastically revamped during the inception of the globalization process, which enhanced the contribution of ports in world economy as main logistics gateways for global production and trade. As a result, the relationship between ports and governments has changed. Devolution ideologies that had been applied in other industries decades ago were now being considered by governments for the port industry. Many central governments sought to extract themselves from commercial activities of ports and devolving this responsibility to local governments, communities or private entities. The institution of devolution programs also changed the governance structures of ports further influencing port performance. Consequently, the recent worldwide trend towards devolution in the port industry has spawned considerable variety of governance models that are now set in place around the world. While some countries opt for more decentralized structures others prefer to retain a centralization of powers. In this way some governments consider local features and national integration more than others, which ultimately influence the success of a port reform implementation. Nevertheless, the prime intent of governments is now to maximize the efficiency and performance of their domestic ports. This issue intends to examine the changed port governance environment in Brazil by determining how and why imposed port reforms of the Brazilian federal government have been affecting the overall performance of the national port system, over the last decades, using the Port of Santos as a sample upon an exploratory study. For that, the study will use a contingency theory-based framework – the Matching Framework - that views port performance as a function of the fit among the dimensions of external operating environment, strategy and structure of a port organization. In essence, the greater the fit among these dimensions the better the expected performance of a port will be, and vice-versa. Port managers, government officials and academics alike shall be interested in this document.
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Since the international financial and food crisis that started in 2008, strong emphasis has been made on the importance of Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOs) (or “transgenics”) under the claim that they could contribute to increase food productivity at a global level, as the world population is predicted to reach 9.1 billion in the year 2050 and food demand is predicted to increase by as much as 50% by 2030. GMOs are now at the forefront of the debates and struggles of different actors. Within civil society actors, it is possible to observe multiple, and sometime, conflicting roles. The role of international social movements and international NGOs in the GMO field of struggle is increasingly relevant. However, while many of these international civil society actors oppose this type of technological developments (alleging, for instance, environmental, health and even social harms), others have been reportedly cooperating with multinational corporations, retailers, and the biotechnology industry to promote GMOs. In this thesis research, I focus on analysing the role of “international civil society” in the GMO field of struggle by asking: “what are the organizing strategies of international civil society actors, such as NGOs and social movements, in GMO governance as a field of struggle?” To do so, I adopt a neo-Gramscian discourse approach based on the studies of Laclau and Mouffe. This theoretical approach affirms that in a particular hegemonic regime there are contingent alliances and forces that overpass the spheres of the state and the economy, while civil society actors can be seen as a “glue” to the way hegemony functions. Civil society is then the site where hegemony is consented, reproduced, sustained, channelled, but also where counter-hegemonic and emancipatory forces can emerge. Considering the importance of civil society actors in the construction of hegemony, I also discuss some important theories around them. The research combines, on the one hand, 36 in-depth interviews with a range of key civil society actors and scientists representing the GMO field of struggle in Brazil (19) and the UK (17), and, on the other hand, direct observations of two events: Rio+20 in Rio de Janeiro in 2012, and the first March Against Monsanto in London in 2013. A brief overview of the GMO field of struggle, from its beginning and especially focusing in the 1990s when the process of hegemonic formation became clearer, serves as the basis to map who are the main actors in this field, how resource mobilization works, how political opportunities (“historical contingencies”) are discovered and exploited, which are the main discourses (“science” and “sustainability” - articulated by “biodiversity preservation”, “food security” and “ecological agriculture”) articulated among the actors to construct a collective identity in order to attract new potential allies around “GMOs” (“nodal point”), and which are the institutions and international regulations within these processes that enable hegemony to emerge in meaningful and durable hegemonic links. This mapping indicates that that the main strategies applied by the international civil society actors are influenced by two central historical contingencies in the GMO field of struggle: 1) First Multi-stakeholder Historical Contingency; and 2) “Supposed” Hegemony Stability. These two types of historical contingency in the GMO field of struggle encompass deeper hegemonic articulations and, because of that, they induce international civil society actors to rethink the way they articulate and position themselves within the field. Therefore, depending on one of those moments, they will apply one specific strategy of discourse articulation, such as: introducing a new discourse in hegemony articulation to capture the attention of the public and of institutions; endorsing new plural demands; increasing collective visibility; facilitating material articulations; sharing a common enemy identity; or spreading new ideological elements among the actors in the field of struggle.
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The subject insider trading is controversial. This paper presents series of event studies carried through on the trades with stocks of the firm carried by insiders with the objective to detect abnormal returns, based on the access to privileged information. The sample is composed by trades performed by insiders of the companies with stocks negotiated in the São Paulo Stock Exchange, that are classified as firms with differentiated corporate governance. Indication that trades performed by insiders resulted in abnormal returns compared to the statistically significant expected ones, as in the purchases of common shares; or for selling of preferred stocks.
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The Brazilian economy was severely hit by the 2008 crisis. In the beginning of the crisis, the vast majorities of the economic agents and authorities thought that Brazil could face some sort of decoupling since some macroeconomic fundamentals were very good. What we saw, however, was that the Brazilian economy was not decoupled, and expectations faced a huge deterioration soon after the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers in September 15th. Two aspects regarding the impact of crisis in Brazil, however, deserve a great deal of attention: (a) although deep, the impact did not last for a long time. Actually, the GDP growth experienced a good recovery in the second quarter of 2009, showing that the health of the Brazilian economy was good; (b) the Brazilian banking system performed very well during the crisis, although we cannot say the system was not in danger in the worst time of the crisis. In spite of the confidence crisis faced by the banking system 1, it showed a great deal of resilience. In this aspect, we argue that the restructure faced by the banking system in the aftermath of the Real Plan, as well as the development of a solid supervision regulation helped a lot the system to avoid the systemic crisis that was an open possibility to the Brazilian banking system in the end of 2008. These notes, thus, discusse why the Brazilian banking system performed pretty well in the 2008 financial crisis and how the Brazilian banking (and prudential) regulation can be taken as responsible for this good performance. More specifically, the paper back to the middle of the 1990s, when the Real Plan was implemented, in order to understand the role played by the restructuring of the Brazilian financial system in helping to pave the way to the great resilience experienced by the Brazilian banking system during the 2008 crisis. More specifically, the prudential regulation that was implemented in Brazil in the aftermath of the Real Plan seems to play a decisive role in the resilience of the system nowadays.
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The question posed by Theme 4 of this workshop is indeed a very broad one and would demand a thorough research on the topics involved. I am afraid I did not have the proper time to think it over and I would not be able to provide a wide ranging answer to this question. Thus, I will be selective and I will present the following issues that need to be addressed to support Brazilian development: i) competition among banks; ii) high rate of interest on liquidity; iii) approval by the Congress of a Complementary Law to regulate the financial sector as required by the 1988 Brazilian Constitution; iv) exploitation of workers through the governance of the Job Time Guarantee Fund (FGTS) and iv) state-owned versus government owned enterprises.
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The paper analyses some dimensions of the relationship between banking efficiency, macroeconomic environment and financial regulation, with special focus on Brazil.
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In this note I will analyze briefly some issues that I consider important in the discussion related to the banking efficiency, governance and financial regulation, with special focus on Brazil. The subject is complex as involve different dimensions and I will explore here only some of them, some related to past researches other that should be explored in further research.
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The adhesion molecules E-cadherin and β-catenin have been studied as possible markers to distinguish carcinomas with and without metastatic potential. The objective of this research was to study the imunohistochemistry expression of the E-cadherin and β-catenin in oral squamous cell carcinoma (OSCC), aiming to contribute for the better understanding of the biological behavior of this lesion. The sample consisted of 30 cases of OSCC, being 15 of tongue and 15 of lower lip. The profile and intensity of labeling and semi quantitative analysis of the percentage of immunopositive tumoral cells in membrane for E-cadherin and β-catenin had been related with the anatomical localization of the lesion, the presence or not of nodal metastasis and the histological grade of malignancy in the invasive front area of the tumor. It was registered the presence or not of cytoplasmic and nuclear labeling of the β-catenin. The results had been submitted to the statistical analysis, being used the Mann-Whitney Test, the Fisher Test and the Spearman Correlation Coefficient (α=0, 05). The results showed that the expression in membrane for E-cadherin and β-catenin was, predominantly, the heterogeneous profile in the lower lip and tongue carcinomas, as well as in the cases with and without nodal metastasis. It was not observed significant statistical difference between expression profile and amount of immunopositive cells for E-cadherin, β-catenin and the anatomical localization of the lesion and for the presence or not of nodal metastasis. However, there was significant difference of the reduced expression of these proteins with the high score of malignancy. It was verified that the expression of the β-catenin in cytoplasm was present in 22 (73.33%) of the 30 analyzed cases, and 6 cases (20%) showed nuclear expression. The statistical analysis detected significant association between the expression of the β-catenin in the cytoplasm with the histological grade of malignancy, being this molecule more frequently present in the cytoplasm in the cases of high score of malignancy. It was concluded that the reduced immunoexpression of these proteins in membrane can be related with the lowest cellular differentiation, as well as with the pattern of invasion in nests and isolated cells, demonstrated in the cases of OSCC with high histological grade of malignancy
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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In the 1980s D. Eisenbud and J. Harris posed the following question: What are the limits of Weierstrass points in families of curves degenerating to stable curves not of compact type? In the present article, we give a partial answer to this question. We consider the case where the limit curve has components intersecting at points in general position and where the degeneration occurs along a general direction. For this case we compute the limits of Weierstrass points of any order. However, for the usual Weierstrass points, of order one, we need to suppose that all of the components of the limit curve intersect each other.
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Includes bibliography