502 resultados para NGO


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Resumen Por muchos años la llamada exitosa conservación en Costa Rica ha sido impulsada prevalentemente por grupos académico-científicos y se ha basado en modelos públicos verticales, de ONG ambientalista tradicional o de libre mercado. Estos enfoques no han sido insuficientes tratándose del modelo de conservación llamado Zona Protectora (ZP), el cual, sobre todo en áreas urbanas y semi-urbanas, ha sido un fracaso. Sin embargo, abarca el 15% del territorio en protección en el país. Al igual que en otros lugares en América Latina, se observa hoy en Costa Rica una tendencia a la aparición de los que la ecología política llamaría  “ambientalismo de los pobres.” Este trabajo explora la utilidad de los conceptos de esta tendencia ambientalista para la solución de los problemas de las ZP. Específicamente se enfoca en el caso de La Carpintera y reflexiona sobre la posibilidad de usar conceptos como la valoración económico-ecológica alternativa y la deuda ecológica producto de la experiencia del autor con su propia investigación y cursos de campo.   Abstract For many years the so-called successful conservation in Costa Rica has been led mostly by academic and scientific groups and has followed public vertical, traditional environmentalist NGO or market driven models. These perspectives have been insufficient for the conservation model known as the Protective Zone (ZP), which, especially in urban and semi-urban areas has been a failure. Nevertheless, it comprises 15% of the overall land under protection in the country. As in other places in Latin America, Costa Rica is showing today traces of what political ecologists know as “environmentalism of the poor.” This paper explores the usefulness of the concepts of this environmentalism trend to solve the problems of ZP. Specifically, it focuses on the case study of La Carpintera and reflects on the possibility of using concepts such as ecological economic alternative valuation and ecological debt based on the author’s experience with his own research and field courses.

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In September 2013, staff from the University of the South Pacific (USP) Honiara campus, the Secretariat of the Pacific Community (SPC) and IFREMER (UR LEADNC, AMBIO project) in New Caledonia, and the French Institute for Pacific Coral Reefs (IRCP) in Moorea, French Polynesia, co-facilitated a workshop entitled “Different survey methods of coral reef fish, including the methods based on underwater video”. The workshop was attended by students from USP, NGO and fisheries officers. They were trained to several underwater visual census techniques and to the STAVIRO video-based technique, including both field work and data analysis.

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Este estudio de caso se centra en la campaña #dereitos365, desarrollada entre diciembre de 2014 y enero de 2015 en Galicia para reclamar una implicación ciudadana durante todo el año y no solo en la época navideña. Partiendo del potencial de las redes sociales e Internet y tomando este caso como referencia, el objetivo de la investigación es profundizar en el papel de las ONG como agentes de transformación social y como promotoras de un diálogo interactivo y multidireccional que implique a los nuevos ciudadanos. Los resultados muestran una campaña marcadamente institucional que busca la movilización y concienciación ciudadana para la construcción de una sociedad más justa y solidaria, generando visibilidad y cierta interactividad a través de mensajes reivindicativos, sobre todo por parte de organizaciones locales, y de un alto contenido multimedia.

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Civil-society participation continues to be a considerable focus of debate surrounding politics and public-policy making at international and national scales, especially in the developing world. Important examples of such processes have occurred in the Philippines. The Philippine polity is widely regarded as embodying a culture of clan-based politics entailing considerable relationships of clientelism and semiclientelism. Yet there is also considerable evidence of widespread civil-society activism. This paper examines how politically left-of-center development nongovernment organizations (NGOs) and people’s organizations (POs) have attempted to “cross over” to state positions in order to implement social and economic reforms. Select engagement by key personnel from the NGO sphere has often been premised on the notion that it was aimed at transforming these features of Philippine politics. Engagement with two recent and (claimed to be) reforming governments has not led to positive outcomes. The Philippine experience, for the most part, is an expression of the problematic assumptions that have tended to inform the debate over civil society and state interaction in many developing-country contexts. Such conceptions have been inserted into an all-encompassing notion of democratic transition, whereby political and economic liberalization are supposed to emerge in synergy, with civil society acting as a form of “stabilizer” compensating for and complementing the role of the state. Given the predominance of such weak states as the Philippines in the developing world, it is important to consider what the impacts of development NGOs participation may be. Most important, what may be the impacts of such forms of participation in a society and polity characterized by entrenched clientelist relationships? Contrasting a Gramscian analysis with Putnam-inspired conceptions of civil society that underpin the transition model, the paper argues that far from being a conditioning force on the state, civil society is itself a sphere where clientelism and semiclientelism predominate. So powerful are these forces, that arguably well-intentioned NGO personnel who previously adopted a critical stance toward neo-clientelism ultimately become absorbed by these relationships.

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Foreign aid is intended to be a major contributor to poverty reduction. However, significant questions arise as to the capacity for development funding to contribute to human development, through service provision, through advocacy, through actions and interventions that change power relations, change the social and institutional arrangements that reinforce inequality, threaten or reproduce well-being, and prevent the fulfillment of human rights. In conjunction with questions about what aid “does,” there is equal focus on how it does it. Questions of efficiency, effectiveness, transparency, accountability, social license to operate, relevance, and many others are all embedded in contemporary aid discourse and practice. The aim of this volume was to contribute to a critical understanding of Impact Assessment (IA) clearly informed by contemporary development theory and practice. There is a significantly increasing push for impact assessment, across the whole aid architecture. This is exacerbated by a much stronger focus on value for money, and accountability – to taxpayers specifically in the context of public funds, and donors in an increasingly competitive NGO environment. As was noted by many authors, since the GFC, a significant number of donor governments have reduced or are considering funding reduction for bilateral aid agencies and their contributions to multilateral aid agencies. At the same time they imposed a more stringent and rigorous requirement focusing on “aid-for-trade” and “value-for-money” strategies. There is a drive to ensure the positive impacts of the grant or loan in a sustainable manner.

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While technology affords new opportunities and benefits for educators in their teaching practice, a significant number of faculty are resistant to adopting new technologies. Unprompted, 93% of faculty interviewed in the Australian study to be discussed in this paper pointed to accounting educator resistance as a key barrier to technology adoption and use. Adopting the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) as a framework, this paper argues that one of the greatest challenges facing business schools and Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) in the 21st century is not new technologies themselves, but the ability of educators to embrace educational technologies. Drawing on the qualitative data to emerge from interviews with accounting educators recognised as exemplary in their use of innovative technologies, this paper explores the reasons for lack of faculty uptake and argues for academics to become innovators rather than inhibitors. The findings offer a timely insight into a twenty-first century issue affecting HEIs and, specifically, accounting academics. While carried out in the Accounting discipline, the findings may be relatable and applicable to all disciplines. A suite of recommendations are proposed for institutions, business schools and academics to consider.

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The aim of this study was to investigate the effect of modification processes on physical properties and explain the mechanism of sustained drug release from modified rice (MR). Various types of Vietnamese rice were introduced in the study as the matrices of sustained release dosage form. Rice was thermally modified in water for a determined temperature at different times with a simple process. Then tablets containing MR and isradipine, the model drug, were prepared to investigate the capability of sustained drug release. Scanning electron microscopy (SEM) was used to determine different morphologies between MR formulations. Flow property of MR was analyzed by Hausner ratio and Carr's indices. The dissolution rate and swelling/erosion behaviors of tablets were evaluated at pH 1.2 and pH6.8 at 37±0.5°C. The matrix tablet containing MR showed a sustained release as compared to the control. The SEM analyses and swelling/erosion studies indicated that the morphology as well as swelling/erosion rate of MR were modulated by modification time, drying method and incubation. It was found that the modification process was crucial because it could highly affect the granule morphologies and hence, leading to the change of flowability and swelling/erosion capacity for sustained release of drug.

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By employing interpretive policy analysis this thesis aims to assess, measure, and explain policy capacity for government and non-government organizations involved in reclaiming Alberta's oil sands. Using this type of analysis to assess policy capacity is a novel approach for understanding reclamation policy; and therefore, this research will provide a unique contribution to the literature surrounding reclamation policy. The oil sands region in northeast Alberta, Canada is an area of interest for a few reasons; primarily because of the vast reserves of bitumen and the environmental cost associated with developing this resource. An increase in global oil demand has established incentive for industry to seek out and develop new reserves. Alberta's oil sands are one of the largest remaining reserves in the world, and there is significant interest in increasing production in this region. Furthermore, tensions in several oil exporting nations in the Middle East remain unresolved, and this has garnered additional support for a supply side solution to North American oil demands. This solution relies upon the development of reserves in both the United States and Canada. These compounding factors have contributed to the increased development in the oil sands of northeastern Alberta. Essentially, a rapid expansion of oil sands operations is ongoing, and is the source of significant disturbance across the region. This disturbance, and the promises of reclamation, is a source of contentious debates amongst stakeholders and continues to be highly visible in the media. If oil sands operations are to retain their social license to operate, it is critical that reclamation efforts be effective. One concern non-governmental organizations (NGOs) expressed criticizes the current monitoring and enforcement of regulatory programs in the oil sands. Alberta's NGOs have suggested the data made available to them originates from industrial sources, and is generally unchecked by government. In an effort to discern the overall status of reclamation in the oil sands this study explores several factors essential to policy capacity: work environment, training, employee attitudes, perceived capacity, policy tools, evidence based work, and networking. Data was collected through key informant interviews with senior policy professionals in government and non-government agencies in Alberta. The following are agencies of interest in this research: Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers (CAPP); Alberta Environment and Sustainable Resource Development (AESRD); Alberta Energy Regulator (AER); Cumulative Environmental Management Association (CEMA); Alberta Environment Monitoring, Evaluation, and Reporting Agency (AEMERA); Wood Buffalo Environmental Association (WBEA). The aim of this research is to explain how and why reclamation policy is conducted in Alberta's oil sands. This will illuminate government capacity, NGO capacity, and the interaction of these two agency typologies. In addition to answering research questions, another goal of this project is to show interpretive analysis of policy capacity can be used to measure and predict policy effectiveness. The oil sands of Alberta will be the focus of this project, however, future projects could focus on any government policy scenario utilizing evidence-based approaches.

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During the Cold War the foreign policy of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), was heavily criticized by scholars and activists for following the lead of the U.S. state in its overseas operations. In a wide range of states, the AFL-CIO worked to destabilize governments selected by the U.S. state for regime change, while in others the Federation helped stabilize client regimes of the U.S. state. In 1997 the four regional organizations that previously carried out AFL-CIO foreign policy were consolidated into the American Center for International Labor Solidarity (Solidarity Center). My dissertation is an attempt to analyze whether the foreign policy of the AFL-CIO in the Solidarity Center era is marked by continuity or change with past practices. At the same time, this study will attempt to add to the debate over the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the post-Cold War era, and its implications for future study. Using the qualitative “process-tracing” detailed by of Alexander George and Andrew Bennett (2005) my study examines a wide array of primary and secondary sources, including documents from the NED and AFL-CIO, in order to analyze the relationship between the Solidarity Center and the U.S. state from 2002-2009. Furthermore, after analyzing broad trends of NED grants to the Solidarity Center, this study examines three dissimilar case studies including Venezuela, Haiti, and Iraq and the Middle East and North African (MENA) region to further explore the connections between U.S. foreign policy goals and the Solidarity Center operations. The study concludes that the evidence indicates continuity with past AFL-CIO foreign policy practices whereby the Solidarity Center follows the lead of the U.S. state. It has been found that the patterns of NED funding indicate that the Solidarity Center closely tailors its operations abroad in areas of importance to the U.S. state, that it is heavily reliant on state funding via the NED for its operations, and that the Solidarity Center works closely with U.S. allies and coalitions in these regions. Finally, this study argues for the relevance of “top-down” NGO creation and direction in the post-Cold War era.

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Decades of costly failures in translating drug candidates from preclinical disease models to human therapeutic use warrant reconsideration of the priority placed on animal models in biomedical research. Following an international workshop attended by experts from academia, government institutions, research funding bodies, and the corporate and nongovernmental organisation (NGO) sectors, in this consensus report, we analyse, as case studies, five disease areas with major unmet needs for new treatments. In view of the scientifically driven transition towards a human pathway-based paradigm in toxicology, a similar paradigm shift appears to be justified in biomedical research. There is a pressing need for an approach that strategically implements advanced, human biology-based models and tools to understand disease pathways at multiple biological scales. We present recommendations to help achieve this.

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This version: August 15, 2017 (original version: December 7, 2016)

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Shared management between businesses, governments and society in the historic town of São Paulo city began concurrently with the growth of nonprofit organizations (NGOs) in the 1990s. The program Ações Locais, coordinated by the NGO Associação Viva o Centro is housed in this context and its mission is to bring together individuals, businesses and local governments for economic, social and political development as to build up the citizenship in that area. This study provides a historical background on formation of Brazilian citizenship and, from that reference, analyzes the performing citizenship in the program Ações Locais. The main conclusion of the analysis identified that the program have been consolidated, despite the enormous quotidian difficulties, especially in the social inclusion actions for the poor. The dilemma about how bring in the excluded segments of the population may indicate a new field of research and future studies.

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Food security is a global and regional concern of rapidly increasing consequence. It is at risk of inattention because of competing crises, because of its theoretical amenability to previously effective, if temporary measures, most impressively with the so-called Green Revolution and because of the recourse to the global trade paradigm as a putative solution. We identify some missing or under-emphasised dimensions in this analysis, with particular reference to Asia, which in spite of recent growth-or in some cases because of it-faces particularly daunting food problems. Greater emphasis needs to be given to population size and distribution through more concerted family planning and enlightened migration policy; public policy to retain or encourage plant-based diets; integration of food, health and environmental approaches to create resilient regional food systems; and the incorporation of food into the broader human security agenda. While regional organisations, along with their NGO counterparts and nation states, have an over-arching role to strategise in this way, substantial progress could still be made at the community and household levels, especially with current technologies which can marshal their collective and coherent action.

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The member states of the European Union received 1.2 million first time asylum applications in 2015 (a doubling compared to 2014). Even if asylum will be granted for many of the refugees that made the journey to Europe, several obstacles for successful integration remain. This paper focuses on one of these obstacles, namely the problem of finding housing for refugees once they have been granted asylum. In particular, the focus is restricted to the situation in Sweden during 2015–2016 and it is demonstrated that market design can play an important role in a partial solution to the problem. More specifically, because almost all accommodation options are exhausted in Sweden, the paper investigates a matching system, closely related to the system adopted by the European NGO “Refugees Welcome”, and proposes an easy-to-implement algorithm that finds a stable maximum matching. Such matching guarantees that housing is provided to a maximum number of refugees and that no refugee prefers some landlord to their current match when, at the same time, that specific landlord prefers that refugee to his current match.

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Includes volumes 21 to 25, Tek Ceng Ngo Hauw Peng See, Novel Silat