627 resultados para IDEALS
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A Constituição de 1988 e leis subsequentes determinam que o Estado preste informações aos cidadãos e favoreça a sua participação nas questões públicas trata-se do princípio legal da Transparência Administrativa, que compreende os seguintes subprincípios: (1) Informação; (2) Motivação e, o mais importante, (3) Participação e interatividade cidadãs. O alto investimento na Comunicação Estatal e os avanços tecnológicos, por si sós, não garantem a prática da transparência pública ou da democratização da informação. Sob uma perspectiva multidisciplinar, esta pesquisa discutiu o princípio legal de Transparência Administrativa, comparativamente à Teoria da Comunicação, com o objetivo de propor um conceito de Comunicação Estatal que, de fato, corresponda aos ideais e à ética necessários à Comunicação Pública. Para o desenvolvimento deste estudo foi investigada a relação da comunicação com o grau de transparência alcançado no portal do Senado Federal. O estudo analisou a tramitação da reforma do Poder Judiciário no período de 2000 a 2004, tendo em vista os três subprincípios legais da Transparência Pública. A análise contemplou, no portal do Senado, o trabalho jornalístico e a disponibilização on-line de textos digitais referentes a documentos originais, tais como atas públicas e notas taquigráficas. A metodologia, de enfoques quantitativo e qualitativo, teve como instrumento principal a Nova Retórica, para análise de matérias jornalísticas e textos documentais. Para averiguação da interatividade conceito que fundamenta o ideal de justiça , foram estabelecidos critérios analíticos a partir da intersecção entre os conceitos de transparência e E-parliaments. Constatou-se que o portal do Senado, no referente à reforma da Justiça, alcançou graus de transparência, atendendo mais aos subprincípios da informação e da motivação em detrimento aos da participação e interatividade cidadãs.(AU)
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A residência multiprofissional em saúde é uma modalidade de ensino de pós graduação lato sensu, voltada para a educação em serviço. Emerge no contexto brasileiro como uma proposta complementar a fim de se atingir as metas e os princípios preconizados pelo sistema único de saúde (SUS), principalmente quanto à integralidade. Além de trazer implicações e lançar desafios ao exercício profissional do psicólogo, inserindo-o no entrelaçamento de campos densos e complexos (saúde, educação e políticas públicas), a modalidade propõe que profissionais com formações diferentes atuem num mesmo campo, com discussões e intervenções conjuntas. A questão que move a pesquisa é a posição-sujeito no programa de residência multiprofissional face ao modelo de educação-saúde vinculado. Assevera-se que a posição-sujeito é objeto discursivo deslizante (de tessitura simbólica) que toma em consideração o sujeito constituído no claudicar da linguagem e interpelado pelo inconsciente e que se manifesta como efeito de significantes em direção ao grande Outro. Para tal, vale-se da interface dos aportes teóricos da análise de discurso pêchetiana e da psicanálise lacaniana. A análise de discurso sustenta o discurso como efeito de sentidos mediados pela ideologia e ocupa-se, especialmente, da incursão da alteridade do discurso-outro sobre o mesmo. A psicanálise lacaniana, por sua vez, reitera a primazia do inconsciente estruturado como linguagem diante de um eu imaginário e versa para o sujeito marcado como falta que, dividido, faz do discurso o estatuto do significado. Assim, é proeminente na análise do objeto a metodologia indiciária dada ao caráter simbólico e cambiante da posição-sujeito no discurso. A análise se realizou mediante o dispositivo da interpretação como gesto analítico, que acompanha as elações próprias do objeto. O corpora é constituído por uma materialidade escrita e por uma oral. A escrita compõe-se de recortes de leis, portarias e resoluções que fundam a modalidade de residência multiprofissional e reforçam os ideias do sistema único de saúde; a materialidade oral compõe-se de recortes e fragmentos discursivos advindos da transcrição de supervisões realizadas mediante a prática clínica do psicólogo-residente na cena hospitalar. Da análise, conclui-se que a materialidade escrita se posta como campo-Outro que ordena a estrutura política da residência multiprofissional e direciona a manutenção da ordem e reprodução das relações hierárquicas mediante ideologia assujeitante. Essa materialidade, por sua vez, age como intradiscurso e reverbera-se na memória discursiva e na prática clínica. A posição-sujeito, no plano da articulação significante, faz deslizar e produzir sentidos que denotam ora a manutenção e reprodução de uma posição fusionada ao discurso médico, científico-positivista; ora a posição-sujeito é marcada pelo saber condicionado ao fetiche da mercadoria, deflagrando a ordem do capital nas insígnias da multiprofissionalidade e da educação permanente. O trabalho propiciou, enfim, acompanhar as transmutações da posição-sujeito, independentemente do indivíduo ou da naturalização de sentidos provenientes da função que exerce. O objeto posição-sujeito reiterou a construção da realidade a partir da condição faltante. É essa condição faltante e incompleta que outorga ao desejo o modo de o sujeito se posicionar desta e outra maneira - na formação, no trabalho, na vida.
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This work develops the foundations of an Islamic argument for secular, liberal democracy from within the Islamic discursive tradition. First, it challenges the presentation of contemporary Islamic political thought as a unified, continuous development of the classical canon by showing the influence of the now marginalized medieval rationalists in the development of Islamic political thought. The classical rationalist concern with divine justice forced the founders of Sunni orthodoxy to state their epistemologies and their positions on ethical ontology. The orthodox positions, and their related methods of legal-juristic reasoning, are shown to be incapable of accommodating the modern Islamic positions on political representation, slavery, and just war. This leads to the second argument of the work, that the modern Islamic discourse is better understood as a reflection of the central concern with justice and its rationalist epistemology and ethical ontology we find in the writings of classical rationalists. This argument is made by examining the works of three classical rationalists, a theologian, a philosopher, and a historian. Their political positions, shaped by their rationalism and concern with justice, challenged their orthodox contemporaries, and provide substantive critiques of the classical political accommodations, methods of politico-legal reasoning, and hence, of modern Islamist political projects. The final chapter reveals how far the mainstream of Islamic political thought has deviated from the classical discourses, since the 19th century, by adopting the language and ideals of the European Enlightenment. This shift is presented as a triumph of classical rationalism over literalism, whose epistemological foundations and ontological implications have yet to be acknowledged and appreciated.
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Residuated lattices, although originally considered in the realm of algebra providing a general setting for studying ideals in ring theory, were later shown to form algebraic models for substructural logics. The latter are non-classical logics that include intuitionistic, relevance, many-valued, and linear logic, among others. Most of the important examples of substructural logics are obtained by adding structural rules to the basic logical calculus
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El objetivo principal de este artículo es señalar los valores sociales presentes en los spots de bebidas emitidos por televisión, en España, durante el año 2006. Se estudian los valores sociales que transmiten los anuncios al margen de su función comercial. En total, se han analizado 191 spots; para los que se detallan los valores atribuidos al producto y al consumidor. La salud, la juventud, la importancia de las relaciones sociales o de construirse una personalidad genuina son algunos de los principales valores e ideales transmitidos a través de los spots sometidos a estudio.
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This work explores the idea of constitutional justice in Africa with a focus on constitutional interpretation in Ghana and Nigeria. The objective is to develop a theory of constitutional interpretation based upon a conception of law that allows the existing constitutions of Ghana and Nigeria to be construed by the courts as law in a manner that best serves the collective wellbeing of the people. The project involves an examination of both legal theory and substantive constitutional law. The theoretical argument will be applied to show how a proper understanding of the ideals of the rule of law and constitutionalism in Ghana and Nigeria necessitate the conclusion that socio-economic rights in those countries are constitutionally protected and judicially enforceable. The thesis argues that this conclusion follows from a general claim that constitutions should represent a ‘fundamental law’ and must be construed as an aspirational moral ideal for the common good of the people. The argument is essentially about the inherent character of ‘legality’ or the ‘rule of law.’ It weaves together ideas developed by Lon Fuller, Ronald Dworkin, T.R.S. Allan and David Dyzenhaus, as well as the strand of common law constitutionalism associated with Sir Edward Coke, to develop a moral sense of ‘law’ that transcends the confines of positive or explicit law while remaining inherently ‘legal’ as opposed to purely moral or political. What emerges is an unwritten fundamental law of reason located between pure morality or natural law on the one hand and strict, explicit, or positive law on the other. It is argued that this fundamental law is, or should be, the basis of constitutional interpretation, especially in transitional democracies like Ghana and Nigeria, and that it grounds constitutional protection for socio-economic rights. Equipped with this theory of law, courts in developing African countries like Ghana and Nigeria will be in a better position to contribute towards developing a real sense of constitutional justice for Africa.
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The groundbreaking scope of the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the European Union (EU) and Cariforum (CF) irrefutably marks a substantive shift in trade relations between the regions and also has far-reaching implications across several sectors and levels. Supplementing the framework of analysis of Structural Foreign Policy (SFP) with neo-Gramscian theory allows for a thorough investigation into the details of structural embeddedness based on the EU's historic directionality towards the Caribbean region; notably, encouraging integration into the global capitalist economy by adapting to and adopting the ideals of neoliberal economics. Whilst the Caribbean – as the first and only signatory of a ‘full’ EPA – may be considered the case par excellence of the success of the EPAs, this paper demonstrates that there is no cause-effect relationship between the singular case of the ‘full’ CF-EU EPA and the success of the EPA policy towards the ACP in general. The research detailed throughout this paper responds to two SFP-based questions: (1) To what extent is the EPA a SFP tool aimed at influencing and shaping the structures in the Caribbean? (2) To what extent is the internalisation of this process reflective of the EU as a hegemonic SFP actor vis-à-vis the Caribbean? This paper affirms both the role of the EU as a hegemonic SFP actor and the EPA as a hegemonic SFP tool. Research into the negotiation, agreement and controversy that surrounds every stage of the EPA confirmed that through modern diplomacy and an evolution in relations, consensus is at the fore of contemporary EU-Caribbean relations. Whilst at once dealing with the singular case of the Caribbean, the author offers a nuanced approach beyond 'EU navel-gazing' by incorporating an ‘outside-in’ perspective, which thereafter could be applied to EU-ACP relations and the North-South dialogue in general.
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Are we witnessing a crisis of democratic legitimacy? While citizens may lose trust in political authorities, democratic principles and ideals continue to exercise considerable appeal. This Policy Brief argues that this paradox must be understood as a crisis of legitimation. Research suggests that legitimacy is inherently subjective and must be constantly re-earned. Low levels of political trust can be explained as the result of the complexity of globalised yet fragmented societies. The present feeling of malaise calls for a redefinition of the relationship between citizens and the authorities by which they are ruled. If popular sovereignty is to mean anything in today’s age, it requires a new legitimising narrative.
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INTRODUCTION In the current times of multifaceted crisis, nationalism looks, more than ever, like a positive and necessary feeling. It seems both natural and indispensable if we are to have viable political and social institutions that meet the needs and preferences of all citizens. The following paper contests this vision. Its criticism of nationalism is directed not only at its national forms, but also at any defence of collective identity based on the same model, such as the various forms of European nationalism. Furthermore, the same overriding criticism can be made of different kinds of nationalism, regardless of their more or less open and progressive political content. In order to ground our argument theoretically and practically, we will try to show that nationalism is always potentially harmful to individual rights, and unnecessary for the maintenance of a just social and political system. We will thus oppose any acritical defence of the intrinsic value of a specific community and the belief in its artificial homogeneity. The historical construction of a supposedly homogeneous community, and the insistence on its values, which are perceived as superior and binding, facilitate the absorption of the individual into the collective. As we will explain further in more details, this holistic approach is typical of communitarian approaches. In that respect, it does not really matter whether they appeal to passion or to reason, to some irrational binding features of the community or to more rational political aspects of a common identity. The main problem in nationalism is not the emotion it can trigger, it is not even its reliance on particular values. What makes nationalism problematic is, firstly, that it tends to overlook the intrinsically divisive and contradictory nature of individual and collective interests in unjust societies; secondly, that it attributes an intrinsic superiority to a particular community over others; and thirdly, that it sees politics as a means to promote the interests, values or identity of that community. As an alternative, we will very briefly advocate a cosmopolitan approach that grounds political legitimacy in a demanding approach to individual freedom, rather than in a shared collective identity. However, even if only briefly, we will also carefully distinguish our own vision of cosmopolitanism from those commonly put forward. Frequently, cosmopolitan perspectives entangle their identity frameworks with concrete political projects, without clearly explaining how the latter derive from the former. Our approach to cosmopolitanism, on the other hand, is, first and foremost, a critical vision of all communitarian postulates according to which politics should be based on some form of collective identity. Thus, we insist on the conceptual distinction between a general stance on identity issues and the more practical political ideology one stands for. In a subsequent step, we link this cosmopolitan framework with a progressive approach to individual rights. Because of our demanding approach to individual freedom, our cosmopolitanism goes hand in hand with a revival of identity-free sovereignty. It is therefore distinct from the severe condemnation of sovereignty often found in most mainstream cosmopolitan positions. Finally, instead of the frequent confusion found in public discourses and in the literature between ideals and reality, our position acknowledges the deep gulf separating these two dimensions. It therefore sketches out very general strategic principles to bring normative ideals closer to political reality.
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Relatively little is known about the influence of psychosocial factors, such as familial role modeling and social network on the development and maintenance of childhood obesity. We investigated peer se- lection using an immersive virtual reality environment. In a virtual schoolyard, children were confronted with normal weight and overweight avatars either eating or playing. Fifty-seven children aged 7–13 participated. Interpersonal distance to the avatars, child's BMI, self-perception, eating behavior and parental BMI were assessed. Parental BMI was the strongest predictor for the children's minimal distance to the avatars. Specifically, a higher mothers' BMI was associated with greater interpersonal distance and children approached closer to overweight eating avatars. A higher father's BMI was associated with a lower interpersonal distance to the avatars. These children approached normal weight playing and overweight eating avatar peers closest. The importance of parental BMI for the child's social approach/ avoidance behavior can be explained through social modeling mechanisms. Differential effects of pa- ternal and maternal BMI might be due to gender specific beauty ideals. Interventions to promote social interaction with peer groups could foster weight stabilization or weight loss in children.
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"...to bring to a larger number the ideals of the Harvard Musical Department and to preserve the best compositions...written by Harvard Undergraduates and recent Graduates."
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Republished from the Edinburgh review and the Nineteenth century and after.
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Reprinted from various periodicals.
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Reprinted in part from the Nineteenth century.
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Contains bibliographical foot-notes.