997 resultados para Hundred (Political Division)


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Audit report on the Iowa Federal Family Education Loan Program Division, a Division of the Iowa College Student Aid Commission, for the year ended June 30, 2008

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From the year of its foundation, until the foundation of Revista deContabilidad in 1997, REFC has been the only referred accounting journalin Spain. Published by the Spanish Association for Accounting and BusinessAdministration (AECA), this journal is at the heart of the emergence ofa distinctly Spanish academic accounting community.Our study is based on:1. An analysis of 100 issues of REFC covering the period from 1985 to 1999.2. A questionnaire to Spanish accounting academics on their perceptionsand experience of the journal.Key points emerging from this study include:a) A move away from interest in accounting concepts and rules, as wellas accounting history, and towards positive accounting theory, the impactof accounting information on capital markets, and financial analysis.b) The emergence of a small number of universities as the driving forcein Spanish accounting research.c) Spanish academics rate REFC highly compared to other Spanish journalsfor publication status, as a support for research, and as a support forteaching. A number of English language journals are rated more highly forboth publication status and as a support for teaching.

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166 countries have some kind of public old age pension. What economic forcescreate and sustain old age Social Security as a public program? We document some of the internationally and historically common features of Social Security programs including explicit and implicit taxes on labor supply, pay-as-you-go features, intergenerational redistribution, benefits which areincreasing functions of lifetime earnings and not means-tested. We partition theories of Social Security into three groups: "political", "efficiency" and "narrative" theories. We explore three political theories in this paper: the majority rational voting model (with its two versions: "the elderly as the leaders of a winning coalition with the poor" and the "once and for all election" model), the "time-intensive model of political competition" and the "taxpayer protection model". Each of the explanations is compared with the international and historical facts. A companion paper explores the "efficiency" and "narrative" theories, and derives implicationsof all the theories for replacing the typical pay-as-you-go system with a forced savings plan.

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We analyze the channels by which an ill-functioning labor market changes the preferences of the people for public policy and therefore the decisions that are made. We not only discuss labour market reform but other important aspects of policy making such as the size and structure of government spending. Theclass of mechanisms that we highlight can be summarized as the very existence of unemployment generating political support for "sclerosis". This may help to explain the timid pace of reform, in particular the fact that any recovery sends them at the backfront of the political agenda, and the sometimes violent opposition generated by some measures, as we have seen mostly in France.

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We study elections in which one party (the strong party) controls a source of political unrest; e.g., this party could instigate riots if it lost the election. We show that the strong party is more likely to win the election when there is less information about its ability to cause unrest. This is because when theweak party is better informed, it can more reliably prevent political unrest by implementing a ``centrist'' policy. When there is uncertainty over the credibility of the threat, ``posturing'' by the strong party leads to platform divergence.

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IDALS stands for Iowa Department of Agriculture and Land Stewardship. IDALS’s mission is to provide leadership for all aspects of agriculture in Iowa, ensure consumer protection and promote the responsible use of our natural resources. DSC stands for the Division of Soil Conservation and is the division within IDALS responsible for state leadership in the protection and management of soil, water and mineral resources. Learn more about IDALS at www.iowaagriculture.gov

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Audit report on the Wireless E911 Emergency Communication Fund of the Iowa Homeland Security and Emergency Management Division of the Iowa Department of Public Defense for the year ended June 30, 2008

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Report on the Iowa Department of Education, Division of Vocational Rehabilitation Services for the year ended June 30, 2008

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What is in this review produced by The Iowa Department of Agricultural and Land Stewardship: Special Points of Interest: • CREP wetlands remove 40-90% of the nitrate and 90+% of the herbicide in tile drainage water from upper- lying croplands. • The watershed approach is comprehensive, efficient and effective resource management. • The Mines & Minerals Bureau, through the AML Program, worked with various watershed groups to secure an additional $1 million dollars in funding for the construction on AML projects in Marion and Mahaska counties. • Iowa Learning Farm is Building a Culture of Conservation: Farmer to Farmer—Iowan to Iowan.

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A Public Intellectual recently suggested that I read the book Life Out Of Context by the very productive writer Walter Mosley. In this book, Mosley began to summarize a speech that was given by Harry Belafonte. Belafonte made a comparison between a particular Olympic relay race and the Civil Rights Movement. In the race, an experienced runner stumbled a little while passing the baton, and the race was lost. For Belafonte, this momentary slip was a metaphor for the failure of the Civil Rights Movement to “pass the baton” to the younger generation as “it moved past its original phase and into the latter part of the century.” Regardless of your views of the strengths and weaknesses of the Civil Rights Movement, I think all of us would agree that the current issues facing Black Iowa today--e.g., the need for economic development, increased educational achievement and more political involvement in our communities--demand our immediate attention and action. This urgency requires that we cross generational, class, and territorial boundaries within the state to collaborate among ourselves and with others to deal constructively with these issues. We cannot afford to have another “momentary slip.” Serving as the Administrator for ICSAA allows me to serve Black Iowa in a significant way, and Kimberly Cheeks and I in this Division look forward to the work ahead over the next several months and years. Working closely with Walter Reed, Director of the Department of Human Rights, along with so many others across this state, we are keenly aware that we are provided with a great opportunity to positively impact the quality of life for African-Americans in Iowa.

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Quelles sont les conditions pour l'émergence d'une mobilisation sociale en faveur du logement convenable dans la métropole de Bangalore (Inde)? Cette question, qui est au coeur de cette thèse, est particulièrement pertinente dans le contexte d'une ville où 1,7 million de personnes, soit un cinquième de la population, vit dans des bidonvilles. L'absence d'un mouvement mettant en cause l'échec des politiques publiques du logement est intéressante dans la mesure où l'Inde a hérité un système de gouvernance colonial et d'une tradition de mouvements sociaux. Pour répondre à ce questionnement, un cadre théorique issu de la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux est développé. Il s'articule autour des liens entre les opportunités politiques au niveau macro et les répertoires d'action des organisations de mouvement social (OMS) au niveau méso, de la tension entre la formalité de la loi et des politiques publiques et l'informalité des circuits d'échange, de la corruption et du clientélisme, et enfin, se focalise sur les systèmes de discours de caste et de la citoyenneté et de leur concrétisation dans des systèmes d'organisations et de réseaux sociaux. Ce cadre théorique permet d'étudier empiriquement la question à travers quatre OMS dans la ville de Bangalore. Les résultats mettent en avant l'existence de mécanismes complexes. Les opportunités politiques formelles n'étant ouvertes que sur le plan rhétorique, elles ne peuvent être véritablement utilisées que par des moyens légaux ou contentieux, ce qui nécessite des compétences sociales dont la plupart des habitants des bidonvilles sont dépourvus. L'inadéquation entre les ressources à disposition pour les logements sociaux et les besoins très importants des pauvres, donne un poids politique considérable aux acteurs en charge de l'attribution de ces ressources rares. Cet état de fait a des répercussions sur la politique électorale. Les habitants des bidonvilles représentant un poids électoral important, ils sont mobilisés à travers de pratiques clientélistes. La corruption et le clientélisme se nourrissent mutuellement pour maintenir une certaine dépendance des habitants. Les OMS qui développent un répertoire discursif remettant en cause le système de caste et qui encouragent une conscience citoyenne, se sont avérées les plus durables pour résister à la cooptation des forces politiques. Cette recherche empirique met en lumière l'inadéquation entre les prescriptions formelles dans le domaine de la gouvernance des besoins humains, tels que le logement, et les pratiques réelles sur le terrain. Cette recherche appelle à réfléchir au-delà de la diffusion du discours sur la « bonne gouvernance » vers des formes de « gouvernance vernaculaire » qui prendrait au sérieux l'informalité en développant une compréhension des avantages à court terme pour les personnes marginalisées dans la ville et les effets à long terme sur la pratique démocratique. - What are the conditions for the emergence of a social movement on the issue of adequate housing in the metropolitan city of Bangalore (India)? This question is at the heart of this dissertation and is particularly pertinent against the background that an estimated 1.7 million or about 20% of the city's population lives in slums. The absence of a movement addressing the failure of public housing policy despite India having inherited colonial systems of governance and traditions of movement is noteworthy. Answers are sought within a theoretical framework stemming from social movement theories that incorporates three linkages articulating around: Macro-level political opportunities and meso-level action repertoires of social movement organisations (SMOs), tensions between the formality of law, policy and the informality of exchange circuits of corruption and clientelism and finally around systems of discourses of caste and citizenship and their instantiation in concrete systems of social organisations and networks. This thesis is empirically investigated through a qualitative case study research design involving four sampled social movement organisations. The results bring complex mechanisms to the fore. Formal political opportunities are only rhetorically open and have to be cracked through legal weaponry or contentious escalation, which requires considerable social skills that slum-dwellers often lack. The inadequacy between the few housing resources and the vast number of slum-dwellers transform housing benefits and urban service provisions into political currency. Such a state of affairs has serious repercussions on conditions for mobilisation. They become imbricated with electoral logic, in which slum-dwellers represent large vote-banks and where corruption and clientelism feed each other to maintain a certain dependency of the poor. SMOs deploying a discursive repertoire that questioned the caste system and encouraged a pursuit of citizenship proved to be the most sustainable to resist co-option from political forces. This empirical investigation brings to light the mismatch between the formal prescriptions in the domain of the governance of basic human needs such as housing and the real practices on the ground. This research calls to reflect beyond the inadequacy of the diffused « good governance » discourse towards forms of « vernacular governance » that take informality seriously in understanding the short-term benefits for the marginalised in the city and the long-term effects on democratic practice.