825 resultados para Ethnic groups.
Resumo:
Le récit de la Pentecôte (Actes des Apôtres 2) présente au lecteur un élément particulier qui se retrouve rarement dans le canon biblique : les « langues comme de feu ». Seuls les passages d’Isaïe 5,24 et Actes 2,3 utilisent cette expression; pourtant, leurs contextes diffèrent largement. Nous trouvons certains commentaires rabbiniques et fragments de rouleaux de la Mer Morte qui emploient cette même expression, et la littérature gréco-romaine utilise une image similaire où un feu divin se pose sur la tête de certains personnages. Puisque la fonction de cet élément diffère d’un ouvrage littéraire à un autre, comment devons-nous interpréter les langues de feu dans le récit de la Pentecôte? Les commentaires bibliques qui examinent cet élément proposent différentes hypothèses sur la symbolique des langues de feu. Afin de répondre à cette problématique, nous commencerons notre étude avec une présentation sur l’état de la question et des approches synchroniques utilisées. Nous présenterons ensuite l’analyse structurelle du récit de la Pentecôte afin de percevoir la place que notre expression occupe dans cette péricope. Au chapitre trois, nous ferons une analyse grammaticale de notre segment afin de voir la fonction grammaticale de l’expression, et présenter une recension des ouvrages hébraïques et gréco-romains qui utilisent cette expression ou une image similaire. Enfin, l’analyse philologique des termes γλῶσσα et πῦρ sera élaborée et comparée à l’utilisation retrouvée dans le livre des Actes des Apôtres. Subséquemment, nous serons en mesure de porter un regard critique sur quelques interprétations proposées afin de percevoir que la mise en réseau structurel du membre γλῶσσαι ὡσεὶ πυρός, avec les termes répétitifs et synonymiques du récit, nous orientent à percevoir l’accomplissement de la promesse du Saint-Esprit, qui à son tour habilite le croyant à réaliser la mission donnée : la proclamation du message christologique à toutes les ethnies.
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This dissertation seeks to advance our understanding of the roles that institutions play in economic development. How do institutions evolve? What mechanisms are responsible for their persistence? What effects do they have on economic development?
I address these questions using historical and contemporary data from Eastern Europe and Russia. This area is relatively understudied by development economists. It also has a very interesting history. For one thing, for several centuries it was divided between different empires. For another, it experienced wars and socialism in the 20th century. I use some of these exogenous shocks as quasi-natural social experiments to study the institutional transformations and its effects on economic development both in the short and long run.
This first chapter explores whether economic, social, and political institutions vary in their resistance to policies designed to remove them. The empirical context for the analysis is Romania from 1690 to the 2000s. Romania represents an excellent laboratory for studying the persistence of different types of historical institutional legacies. In the 18th and 19th centuries, Romania was split between the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires, where political and economic institutions differed. The Habsburgs imposed less extractive institutions relative to the Ottomans: stronger rule of law, a more stable and predictable state, a more developed civil society, and less corruption. In the 20th century, the Romanian Communist regime tried deliberately to homogenize the country along all relevant dimensions. It was only partially successful. Using a regression discontinuity design, I document the persistence of economic outcomes, social capital, and political attitudes. First, I document remarkable convergence in urbanization, education, unemployment, and income between the two former empires. Second, regarding social capital, no significant differences in organizational membership, trust in bureaucracy, and corruption persist today. Finally, even though the Communists tried to change all political attitudes, significant discontinuities exist in current voting behavior at the former Habsburg-Ottoman border. Using data from the parliamentary elections of 1996-2008, I find that former Habsburg rule decreases by around 6 percentage points the vote share of the major post-Communist left party and increases by around 2 and 5 percentage points the vote shares of the main anti-Communist and liberal parties, respectively.
The second chapter investigates the effects of Stalin’s mass deportations on distrust in central authority. Four deported ethnic groups were not rehabilitated after Stalin’s death; they remained in permanent exile until the disintegration of the Soviet Union. This allows one to distinguish between the effects of the groups that returned to their homelands and those of the groups that were not allowed to return. Using regional data from the 1991 referendum on the future of the Soviet Union, I find that deportations have a negative interim effect on trust in central authority in both the regions of destination and those of origin. The effect is stronger for ethnic groups that remained in permanent exile in the destination regions. Using data from the Life in Transition Survey, the chapter also documents a long-term effect of deportations in the destination regions.
The third chapter studies the short-term effect of Russian colonization of Central Asia on economic development. I use data on the regions of origin of Russian settlers and push factors to construct an instrument for Russian migration to Central Asia. This instrument allows me to interpret the outcomes causally. The main finding is that the massive influx of Russians into the region during the 1897-1926 period had a significant positive effect on indigenous literacy. The effect is stronger for men and in rural areas. Evidently, interactions between natives and Russians through the paid labor market was an important mechanism of human capital transmission in the context of colonization.
The findings of these chapters provide additional evidence that history and institutions do matter for economic development. Moreover, the dissertation also illuminates the relative persistence of institutions. In particular, political and social capital legacies of institutions might outlast economic legacies. I find that most economic differences between the former empires in Romania have disappeared. By the same token, there are significant discontinuities in political outcomes. People in former Habsburg Romania provide greater support for liberalization, privatization, and market economy, whereas voters in Ottoman Romania vote more for redistribution and government control over the economy.
In the former Soviet Union, Stalin’s deportations during World War II have a long-term negative effect on social capital. Today’s residents of the destination regions of deportations show significantly lower levels of trust in central authority. This is despite the fact that the Communist regime tried to eliminate any source of opposition and used propaganda to homogenize people’s political and social attitudes towards the authorities. In Central Asia, the influx of Russian settlers had a positive short-term effect on human capital of indigenous population by the 1920s, which also might have persisted over time.
From a development perspective, these findings stress the importance of institutions for future paths of development. Even if past institutional differences are not apparent for a certain period of time, as was the case with the former Communist countries, they can polarize society later on, hampering economic development in the long run. Different institutions in the past, which do not exist anymore, can thus contribute to current political instability and animosity.
Resumo:
The purpose of this dissertation is to examine and contextualize the recent changes in the articulation of Donyipolo faith among the indigenous community of the Adi from the 1980s until the present. This is achieved by documenting both ‘non-formalized’ and ‘formalized’ belief and ritual within this Eastern Himalayan community. Since the mid-1980s, the Adi – led by indigenous activist Talom Rukbo and the Donyipolo Yelam Kebang (Donyipolo Faith Council) – have been restructuring Donyipolo to fit the model of more mainstream religions via a series of processes that could be called ‘formalization’ or ‘institutionalization’, a reformation blueprint that has subsequently spread to neighboring ethnic groups. This ethnography, exploring both folk practice and the modern reformation, is rooted in radical empiricism – in this context, meaning to collect data and allow analysis to arise organically. Radical empiricism is employed alongside vernacular theorizing to allow for the acknowledgement of indigenous theory through which we can trace indigenous agencies and the construction of indigenous lifeworlds. Facilitating this space for the acknowledgement of ‘religious re-imaginings’ as a means of cultural preservation – and as a representation of creativity – is significant particularly when viewed in the context of contemporary research on similar movements in Northeast India, which sometimes tends toward the negation of indigenous innovation by representing such religious revivals as conversion tools attributed to the Hindu right. It is hoped that the reader will come away from this dissertation with an understanding of the ‘constellations of faith’ that comprise ‘traditional’ Donyipolo and a comprehension of the innovative institutionalization processes that have shaped the new Adi praxis. Donyipolo should be viewed as a complex, nuanced, and independent indigenous faith, whether in its forms of folk expressions or in its new structure as expressed through the Donyipolo Yelam Kebang.
Resumo:
According to Tilly, two laws shaped the process of transformation undergone by Western European societies since the Peace of Westphalia until the end of the 20th century: their increasing inner homogenisation and their growing heterogeneity between them. Cultural inner homogenisation affected, fi rst, those ethnic groups living within the territories of the said states. The second phase of homogenisation impinged on those groups that immigrated after World War II. This process followed different models according to the country considered, but the 1973 oil crisis revealed their general lack of success. During the last quarter of the 20th century and onwards, these European societies have been altered by two progressive and contradictory global logics: a process of cultural homogenisation at the world level (rather than society level) and a process of cultural re-creation led by those groups with an immigrant background, who have reacted against their integration shortcomings by searching for new sources of social and personal esteem in their respective cultural and religious traditions. This paper seeks to clarify these processes from a social differentiation and political representation theory perspective. The latter becomes indispensable, as the said processes have happened in a context in which the structure of relations (i.e. communication) between civil society and the democratic political sphere have experienced a radical crisis. In this way, the complex relations that exist between civil society, culture, religion and politics in these Western European societies are depicted.
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En el siguiente trabajo presentamos un estudio multidimensional sobre la conceptualización de los pueblos originarios que han constituido los medios de prensa escrita en Mendoza durante la primera década del siglo XX. Para llevarlo a cabo acudimos al Archivo de Hemeroteca de la Biblioteca General San Martín de la Ciudad de Mendoza, teniendo como referencia al Diario Los Andes, principal periódico de la provincia, creado en 1882 y vigente en la actualidad. El objetivo del estudio es la identificación de las distintas formas de construcción conceptual sobre los pueblos etnográficos del actual territorio argentino que difundió dicho diario, y del modo en que dichos artículos periodísticos jugaron un rol activo en relación con el proceso de construcción de alteridad sociocultural y la legitimación de las políticas etnocidas implementadas por las clases dominantes.
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Background: Most qualitative studies exploring the impactof prostate cancer on men and their partners consider the dominant ethnicgroups in the USA, UK, Scandinavia and Australia, with generally concordantfindings. Other ethnic groups are likelyto have different experiences.
Aims: To explorethe impact of prostate cancer and its treatment on men and their partners fromthe less studied ethnic groups.
Methods: Using meta-ethnographyand textual narrative we synthesised peer reviewed qualitative interview-based studiesdated 2000-2015 focused on less well reported ethnic groups, as a sub-synthesisof a comprehensive metasynthesis on the impact of prostate cancer.
Results: Twenty-twopapers (15 studies) covering 11 ethnic groups were analysed. Nine studies considered black and minorityethnic groups in the UK and USA, with the remainder in Brazil, the PacificIslands, Israel, Turkey and Japan. We collected first and second order themesfrom the studies to develop conceptual third order themes with the following specificto the US and UK minority groups andPacific Islanders: A spiritual continuum: from the will of God to God ashelpmate; One more obstacle in the lifelong fight against adversity; Developingsensitive talk with a purpose (on disclosingthe cancer to informal networks in culturally appropriate ways). Themes from theother studies were similar to those in the overall metasynthesis.
Conclusions: Healthcare for prostate cancer should takeaccount of contextually and culturally specific coping mechanisms andpsychosocial factors in minority ethnic groups. More studies are needed indiverse ethnic groups.
Resumo:
Rural areas are facing demographic transformation. Some localities have experienced significant levels of (internal and international) immigration in recent decades. In other rural places, a shifting minority: majority ratio (arising mainly from increased minority fertility and decreases in the majority population) is altering the rural landscape. It is this context of increasingly diverse rural societies that frames this chapter. It begins by examining inequalities arising from ethnicity in a rural context. The review proceeds by identifying how different factors, including recent patterns of international migration and historical legacies of ethnic diversity, intertwine to produce multi-cultural rural areas. First of all an overview of the significance of the ‘ethnic’ label is presented, recognizing its limitations and also its usefulness. Having established this context the chapter proceeds by highlighting the way in which rural ethnic inequalities are measured and also the particular challenges of measuring rural poverty. The processes that produce inequalities among ethnic groups are examined, with particular attention on migration and space and place, but mindful of historical legacies along with economic transformations and associated recent migration patterns. Finally, the conclusion of the chapter highlights gaps and identifies areas for future research agendas.
Resumo:
The targeted destruction of heritage sites in recent conflicts in Syria, Iraq and Mali has tragically illustrated how the treatment of heritage, as the tangible manifestation of the identity of the ‘other’, can be a symptom of the nadir to which group relations can descend. In a world in which the nation-state remains the primary means of identification, the following overarching research question was investigated: How do nation-states narrate their pasts in the built form? Drawing upon the conceptualisation of heritage as a present-orientated and political construct that is utilised to represent the values of the “dominant political, social, religious or ethnic groups (Graham, Ashworth & Tunbridge 2000: p.183), this paper discusses the role that heritage interventions can play in both emphasising gulfs and building bridges in divided post-conflict societies (Fojut 2009).
Resumo:
Objectives: To summarise black and minority ethnic (BME) patients' and partners
experiences of prostate cancer (PCa) by examining the findings of existing qualitative studies
Methods:
We undertook a systematic metasynthesis of qualitative studies using a modified version of
Noblit and Hare's 'meta-ethnography' approach, with a 2000-2015 search of seven databases.
Results: Thirteen studies of men from US and UK BME groups were included. We explored
constructs with BME-specific features. Healthcare provider relationships, formation of a
spiritual alliance with God (which enhanced the participants’ feeling of empowerment and
ability to cope with the cancer) and living on for others (generally to increase cancer
awareness), often connected to spiritual regrowth, were the three constructs most commonly
reported. A magnified effect from erectile dysfunction was also common. Initially this
affected men’s disclosure to others about their cancer and their sexual problems, but
eventually men responded by shifting their conceptualisations of masculinity to sustain self
and social identities. There was also evidence of inequality resulting from financial
constraints and adversity that necessitated resilience in coping.
Conclusions: The prostate cancer experience of BME men and their partners is affected by a
complex intersection of ethnicity with other factors. Healthcare services should acknowledge
this. If providers recognise the men’s felt masculinities, social identities and spiritual beliefs
and their shifting nature, services could be improved, with community as well as individual
benefits. More studies are needed in diverse ethnic groups
Resumo:
The concept of non-territorial autonomy gives rise to at least two important questions: the range of functional areas over which autonomy extends, and the extent to which this autonomy is indeed non-territorial. A widely used early description significantly labelled this ‘national cultural autonomy’, implying that its focus is mainly on cultural matters, such as language, religion, education and family law. In many of the cases that are commonly cited, ‘autonomy’ may not even extend this far: its most visible expression is the existence of separate electoral registers or quotas for the various groups. Part of the dilemma lies in the difficulty of devolving substantial power on a non-territorial basis: to the extent that devolved institutions are state-like, they ideally require a defined territory. Ethnic groups, however, vary in the extent to which they are territorially concentrated, and therefore in the degree to which any autonomous arrangements for them are territorial or non-territorial. This article explores the dilemma generated by this tension between ethnic geography (pattern of ethnic settlement) and political autonomy (degree of selfrule), and introduces a set of case studies where the relationship between these two features is discussed further: the Ottoman empire and its successor states, the Habsburg monarchy, the Jewish minorities of Europe, interwar Estonia, contemporary Belgium, and two indigenous peoples, the Sa´mi in Norway and the Maori in New Zealand.
Resumo:
Em oposição à situação predominante da heterogeneidade da maioria dos países africanos, cuja sociedade compreende a existência de inúmeros grupos étnicos ou diferentes religiões e culturas, Cabo Verde é definido como um Estado-Nação que reconhece uma identidade coletiva, traduzida na língua e na identificação de elementos culturais comuns pertencentes a um mesmo espaço arquipelágico. O ponto de partida para este estudo assenta na preocupação em se compreender a noção de Nação neste país, que sugere a ideia de uma sociedade onde os fatores homogéneos predominam sobre os heterogéneos ou, em último caso, que se trata de um mecanismo de coabitação entre estas duas dimensões que poderão inicialmente parecer antagónicas, mas que prestam um especial sentido ao debate acerca da identidade nacional. Ao longo deste artigo, destacaremos tantos os factos históricos, bem como o contributo dos principais movimentos culturais, sem ignorar a importância da tomada de consciência no que se refere à ideia de Nação.
Resumo:
This report is the sixth in a series of annual reports which use National Child Measurement Programme (NCMP) data to examine changes in children’s body mass index (BMI) that have taken place since 2006/07. It explores trends in obesity, overweight, excess weight and underweight prevalence, as well as changes in mean BMI over time. Trends within different socioeconomic and ethnic groups are also examined to determine whether existing health inequalities are widening or becoming smaller.
Resumo:
This reports summarises research that began in March 2014 and was completed in October 2015 by an experienced inter-disciplinary research team from the Centre for Social Justice and Change and Psycho-Social Research Group, School of Social Sciences, the University of East London (UEL) and included Dr Yang Li from the Centre for Geo-Information Studies, UEL, for the first phase of the study. Tottenham ‘Thinking Space’ (TTS) was a pilot therapeutic initiative based in local communities and delivered by the Tavistock & Portman NHS Foundation Trust and funded by the London Borough of Haringey Directorate of Public Health. TTS aimed to improve mental health and enable and empower local communities. TTS was situated within a mental health agenda that was integral to Haringey’s Health and Wellbeing Strategy 2012-2015 and aimed to encourage people to help themselves and each other and develop confident communities. On the one hand TTS was well-suited to this agenda, but, on the other, participants were resistant to, and were trying to free themselves from labelling that implied ‘mental health difficulties’. A total of 243 meetings were held and 351 people attended 1,716 times. The majority of participants attended four times or less, and 33 people attended between 5 and 10 times and 39 people attended over 10 times. Attending a small number of times does not necessarily mean that the attendee was not helped. Attendees reflected the ethnic diversity of Tottenham; 29 different ethnic groups attended. The opportunity to meet with people from different cultural backgrounds in a safe space was highly valued by attendees. Similarly, participants valued the wide age range represented and felt that they benefited from listening to inter-generational experiences. The majority of participants were women (72%) and they were instrumental in initiating further Thinking Spaces, topic specific meetings, the summer programme of activities for mothers and young children and training to meet their needs. The community development worker had a key role in implementing the initiative and sustaining its growth throughout the pilot period. We observed that TTS attracted those whose life experiences were marked by personal struggle and trauma. Many participants felt safe enough to disclose mental health difficulties (85% of those who completed a questionnaire). Participants also came seeking a stronger sense of community in their local area. Key features of the meetings are that they are democratic, non-judgemental, respectful, and focussed on encouraging everyone to listen and to try to understand. We found that the therapeutic method was put in place by high quality facilitators and health and personal outcomes for participants were consistent with those predicted by the underpinning psychoanalytical and systemic theories. Outcomes included a reduction in anxieties and improved personal and social functioning; approximately two thirds of those who completed a questionnaire felt better understood, felt more motivated and more hopeful for the future. The overwhelming majority of survey respondents also felt good about contributing to their community, said that they were more able to cooperate with others and accepting of other cultures, and had made new friends. Participants typically had a better understanding of their current situation and how to take positive action; of those who completed a questionnaire, over half felt more confident to seek support for a personal issue and to contact services. Members of TTS supported each other and instilled hope and build community-mindedness that reduced social isolation.
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The Iowa Accountability program (IAP) was established to address the disproportionate numbers of African American affected by domestic violence. IAP specializes in programming tailored to working with the community, African American leaders, victim advocates and members of the legal system.
Resumo:
The Iowa Accountability program (IAP) was established to address the disproportionate numbers of African American affected by domestic violence. IAP specializes in programming tailored to working with the community, African American leaders, victim advocates and members of the legal system.