895 resultados para Election manuals


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Aquest projecte pretén incorporar a la titulació d’Enginyeria Tècnica en Química Industrial les competències transversals amb què hauran de comptar els futurs enginyers perquè entrin en el món laboral amb tots els requisits tècnics i competencials que requereixen els canvis dels models educatius (crèdits ECTS) i la canviant situació laboral en l’àmbit de la Unió Europea. La incorporació de competències transversals en les assignatures del pla d’estudis és un dels eixos bàsics plantejats en el Pla Estratègic 2005-2009 de l’Escola Universitària d’Enginyeria Tècnica Industrial d’Igualada. Aquest procés s’ha portat a terme en quatre fases: Disseny: Implicar els empresaris en el disseny de programes de formació que capacitin els estudiant en les competències que demana el mercat de treball. Presentació: Sensibilitzar els professors i els alumnes de la importància de desenvolupar competències transversals dins del marc actual i futur de l’ensenyament. Planificació de les assignatures: Portar a terme la incorporació de competències transversals de forma gradual des del primer curs i donar suport i formació a tot el professorat. Difusió: Divulgar la important transformació que s’està realitzant a l’Escola dins de l’àmbit de la nova implantació de competències transversals per formar als enginyers per tal de fer-los més competitius. Per a aconseguir l’adaptació de les assignatures del pla d’estudis a les noves directrius de l’EEES s’ha treballat des de dues vessants: a) introduint canvis metodològics en la forma d’impartir les assignatures per part del professorat per permetre la incorporació de competències transversals, com ara el treball en equip, a través de l’aprenentatge basat en projectes, i la competència lingüística en anglès, a partir de la introducció de l’anglès a l’aula, i b) adaptant al nou sistema la documentació associada a les matèries que s’imparteixen: guia docent, guies de les assignatures, etc.

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The problem of waste management is causing growing concern due to increasing generation rates, the emissions into soil, water and air, the social conflicts derived from the election of disposal sites and the loss of resources and energy among others. In this work, an innovative methodology is used to enable a better understanding of the waste generation and management system in Italy. Two new waste indicators are built to complement the conventional indicators used by official statistics. Then a multi-scale analysis of the Density of Waste Disposed (DWD) is carried out to highlight the territorial diversity of waste performances and test its contribution to detect plausible risky areas. Starting from Italian regions, the scale down goes on to the provincial level and, only for the region of Campania, the municipal one. First, the analysis shows that the DWD is able to complement the information provided by the conventional waste indicators. Second, the analysis shows the limitations of using a unique institutional solution to waste management problems. In this sense the multi-scale analysis provides with a more realistic picture of Italian waste system than using a single scale.

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In this paper, I provide a formal justi…cation for a well-established coattail effect, when a popular candidate at one branch of government attracts votes to candidates from the same political party for other branches of government. A political agency frame- work with moral hazard is applied to analyze coattails in simultaneous presidential and congressional elections. I show that coattail voting is a natural outcome of the optimal reelection scheme adopted by a representative voter to motivate politicians' efforts in a retrospective voting environment. I assume that an office-motivated politician (executive or congressman) prefers her counterpart to be affiliated with the same political party. This correlation of incentives leads the voter to adopt a joint performance evaluation rule, which is conditioned on the politicians belonging to the same party or different parties. The two-sided coattail effects then arise. On the one hand, the executive's suc- cess/failure props up/drags down her partisan ally in congressional election, which implies presidential coattails. On the other hand, the executive's reelection itself is affected by the congressman's performance, which results in reverse coattails. JEL classi…fication: D72, D86. Keywords: Coattail voting; Presidential coattails; Reverse coattails; Simultaneous elections; Political Agency; Retrospective voting.

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This paper contrasts the incentives for cronyism in business, the public sector and politics within an agency problem model with moral hazard. The analysis is focused on the institutional differences between private, public and political organizations. In business, when facing a residual claimant contract, a chief manager ends up with a relatively moderate …rst-best level of cronyism within a …firm. The institutional framework of the public sector does not allow explicit contracting, which leads to a more severe cronyism problem within public organizations. Finally, it is shown that the nature of political appointments (such that the subordinate's reappointment is conditioned on the chief's re-election) together with implicit contracting makes political cronyism the most extreme case. JEL classifi…cation: D72, D73, D86. Keywords: Cronyism; Meritocracy; Manager; Bureaucrat; Politician.

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L’estudi parteix d’un repàs de la literatura, 11 entrevistes a experts, 25 a ex-interns o interns i l’anàlisi de dades sòcio-demogràfiques, penitenciàries i d’activitats d’inserció i trajectòria laboral de 3.225 ex-interns espanyols que han sortit en llibertat definitiva a Catalunya entre l’1 de gener 2004 i el 31 de desembre 2007 Es constata que el 43,6% d’ex-interns obté ocupació amb alta a la Seguretat Social un cop en llibertat definitiva. La inserció laboral sol ser fràgil: contractes temporals, feines manuals, poc qualificades i de breu duració, la qual cosa els fa constituir-se com a un col·lectiu vulnerable. En general participen d’una cultura del treball no arrelada i de trajectòries laborals prèvies a la reclusió breus o inexistents. D’aquí, que existeixi una línia de continuïtat entre els vincles amb el mercat de treball abans i després de la reclusió. El treball productiu a presons repercuteix moderadament en més inserció laboral. Però treball productiu i formació professional són poc professionalitzadors, més útils per als que no han treballat, sense estudis ni habilitats laborals. Els estudis són un factor clau en la inserció laboral; també els vincles socials, sobretot els més propers, parella per als homes, fills per a les dones. La major predisposició de les dones per a la inserció no reverteix en altes a la S.S., explicable per factors culturals, dificultats d’obtenció de feina regularitzada o de conciliació d’horaris laborals i familiars. Finalment, l’estudi constata que els joves accedeixen més a una ocupació, no tant per motivació personal sinó per tenir més fàcil accés que els adults.

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El estudio analiza –a partir de datos de la Seguridad Social- el impacto del trabajo productivo y la formación profesional en la inserción laboral de los exinternos de nacionalidad española que, en Catalunya, han obtenido la libertad definitiva entre el 2004 y el 2007.

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Some historians have argued that 1996 marked a ‘second transition’ for Spain because of the return to power of the political right in Madrid and that the relationship and eventual pact between the Partido Popular (PP) and Convergència i Unió (CiU) meant that the state could finally escape the ghosts of its Francoist past. For this research, face-to-face interviews were conducted with Catalan Members of Parliament who served under either José María Aznar or Jordi Pujol in Madrid or Barcelona. Drawing upon both interviews and other evidence, including the analysis of election results and the 1996 Hotel Majestic Agreement, the research seeks to provide a better understanding of the previous relationships between the PP and CiU and their leaders in order to understand what lessons might be learnt that would contribute to anticipating and explaining possible future negotiations between the two parties. This is attempted by first examining the potential costs and benefits of political pacts between centre (Madrid) and periphery (Barcelona). Secondly, due to many interviewees making reference to Salvador Espriu’s work La Pell de Brau, the three routes of Espriu’s Catalan nationalism are put into the context of the political pacts. Finally, the likelihood of future agreements between PP and CiU are hypothesized, not only how those agreements may (or may not) come about, but also, what might the result of those negotiations be. Ultimately, it is concluded that the benefits of the Hotel Majestic Agreement outweighed the costs, thus leaving the door open for future negotiations, even if some of those interviewed disagreed.

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The 2009 European Elections provide an opportunity to influence health at local and European Government level.  IPH has produced a short manifesto identifying 5 areas of action in public health for MEPs and political parties. The Institute of Public Health in Ireland (IPH) aims to improve health on the island of Ireland capitalising on benefits from North South cooperation. Our focus is tackling health inequalities and influencing public policies in favour of health.

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Voting is fundamental for democracy, however, this decisive democratic act requires quite an effort. Decision making at elections depends largely on the interest to gather information about candidates and parties, the effort to process the information at hand and the motivation to reach a vote choice. Especially in electoral systems with highly fragmented party systems and hundreds of candidates running for office, the process of decision making in the pre‐election sphere is highly demanding. In the age of information and communication technologies, new possibilities for gathering and processing such information are available. Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) provide guidance to voters prior to the act of voting and assist voters in choosing between different candidates and parties on the basis of issue congruence. Meanwhile widely used all over the world, scientific inquiry into the effect of such tools on electoral behavior is ongoing. This paper adds to the current debate by focusing on whether the popularity of candidates on the Swiss VAA smartvote eventually paid off at the 2007 Swiss federal elections and whether there is a direct link between the performance of a candidate on the tool and his or her electoral performance.

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Annual Report 2011 Undoubtedly, 2011 was a year of significant change in the health services. The general election brought a new Government and a new direction and policies in healthcare with a commitment to introduce Universal Health Insurance. The health system is being reformed so as to guarantee equal access to healthcare for all, achieved through a single-tier system enabling access based on need and not on ability to pay. Click here to download PDF 353kb  

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The paper analyses the positional congruence between pre-election statements in the Swiss voting assistance application "smartvote" and post-election behaviour in the Swiss lower house between 2003 and 2009. For this purpose, we selected 34 smartvote questions which subsequently came up in parliament. Unlike previous studies which assessed the program-to-policy linkage of governments or party groups the paper examines the question at the level of individual MPs which seems appropriate for political systems which follow the idea of power dispersion. While the average rate of political congruence is at some 85 percent, a multivariate analysis detects the underlying factors which push or curb a candidate's propensity to change his or her mind once elections are over. The results show that positional changes are more likely if (1) MPs are freshmen, (2) individual voting behaviour is invisible to the public, (3) the vote is not about a party's core issue, (4) the MP belongs to a party which is located in the political centre, and (5) if the pre-election statement is in disagreement with the majority position of the legislative party group. The last-mentioned factor is paramount: the farer away a candidate's pre-election profile from his or her party is located, the weaker turns out to be the electoral link of promissory representation.